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A wish has often been expressed to me that the History 
of Borne might be continued, and I have a desire to meet 
it, although it is difficult for me, after an interval of thirty 
years, to take up again the thread at the point where I 
had to let it drop. That the present portion does not 
attach itself immediately to the preceding, is a matter of 
little moment ; the fifth volume would be just as much a 
fragment without the sixth as the sixth now is without 
the fifth. Besides, I am of opinion that, for the purposes 
of the cultured public, in whose minds this History is 
intended to promote an intelligent conception of Boman 
antiquity, other works may take the place of the Two 
Books, which are still awanting between this (the Eighth) 
and the earlier ones, more readily than a substitute can be 
found for that now issued. The struggle of the Bepub- 
licans in opposition to the monarchy erected by Caesar, 
and the definitive establishment of the latter, are so well 
presented in the accounts handed down to us from an- 
tiquity that every delineation amounts essentially to a re- 
production of their narrative. The distinctive character 
of the monarchical rule and the fluctuations of the mon- 
archy, as well as the general relations of government 
influenced by the personality of the individual rulers, 
which the Seventh Book is destined to exhibit, have been 
at least subjected to frequent handling. Of what is here 



furnished — the history of the several provinces from the 
time of Caesar to that of Diocletian, — there is, if I am not 
mistaken, no comprehensive survey anywhere accessible to 
the public to which this work addresses itself ; and it is 
owing, as it seems to me, to the want of such a survey 
that the judgment of that public as to the Roman imperial 
period is frequently incorrect and unfair. No doubt such 
a separation of these special histories from the general 
history of the empire, as is in my opinion a preliminary 
requisite to the right understanding of the history of the 
imperial period, cannot be carried out completely as re- 
gards various sections, especially for the period from Gal- 
lienus to Diocletian ; and in these cases the general pict- 
ure, which still remains to be given, will have to supply 
what is wanting. 

If an historical work in most cases acquires a more 
vivid clearness by an accompanying map, this holds in an 
especial degree true of our survey of the Empire of three 
Continents according to its provinces, and but few of its 
readers can have in their hands maps adequate for the pur- 
pose. These will accordingly be grateful, along with me, 
to my friend Dr. Kiepert, for having, in the manner and 
with the limits suggested by the contents of these volumes, 
annexed to them, first of all, a sheet presenting a general 
outline of the Orbis Bomanus, which serves moreover in 
various respects to supply gaps in those that follow, and, 
in succession, nine special maps of the several portions of 
the empire drawn — with the exception of sheets 5, 7, 8, 9 
— on the same scale. The ancient geographical names 
occurring in the volumes, and the more important modern 
ones, are entered upon the maps ; names not mentioned 
in the volumes are appended only, in exceptional cases, as 
landmarks for the reader's benefit. The mode of writing 



Greek names followed in the book itself has been displaced 
by the Latinising spelling — for the sake of uniformity — 
in several maps in which Latin names preponderate. The 
sequence of the maps corresponds on the whole to that of 
the book ; only it seemed, out of regard for space, desir- 
able to present on the same sheet several provinces such 
as, e.g. Spain and Africa. 


When I learned from Dr. Mommsen that he was about 
to issue, after so considerable an interval, a continuation 
of his History, I had some thoughts of leaving the task 
of its translation to other and less occupied hands. But, 
when he expressed a desire that I should introduce this 
new portion also to the English public, I felt it but due 
to him as well as to the publishers arid to those who had 
favourably received my rendering of the earlier volumes, 
that I should attempt to meet his wish and what I might 
presume to be theirs. 

I have endeavoured to prepare the translation accord- 
ing to the principles and method adopted in the earlier 
volumes (and explained in my preface to Volume I.), so 
far as there can be uniformity in applying them after an 
interval of five-and-twenty years ; and, if in my desire to 
reproduce the form as well as the matter of the book, I 
have at times followed the mould of the German too 
closely, I trust that the reader may not at least often be 
at a loss for the meaning. The task has been in so far 
longer and more difficult, that there is a much larger pro- 
portion of matter in the form of notes. The present 
volumes differ indeed considerably in character from those 
preceding them ; but, while the reader will miss, as Dr. 
Mommsen has himself remarked, the graphic description 
and portrait-painting of the earlier portions, he will find 
compensation in the presence of other and fresh elements 
of interest, more especially, in the copious and masterly 

Prefatory Note. 

use of materials gleaned from the epigraphic stores 1 which 
Dr. Mommsen has done so much to collect and to make 
accessible. To prevent misconception, it may be well to 
add that in translating the work I am not to be held as 
accepting all its principles and verdicts. 

"Whether, and when, the missing link of the Fifth 
volume will be supplied, Dr. Mommsen leaves as open 
questions. I have thought that the convenience of differ- 
ent readers would be best met, under the circumstances, 

1 The chief epigraphic works referred to are usually quoted under 
the initials, or other very abbreviated form, of the title, and, as 
they may not be known to all readers, I subjoin a brief explanation: 
C. 1. L. represents the great Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum pro- 
jected and authorised by the Royal Academy of Sciences of 
Berlin, in the preparation and superintendence of which Dr. 
Mommsen has had a chief part. Begun upwards of twenty years 
ago, it now extends to sixteen volumes (or half volumes) folio. 
EpJi. Ep. or Epigr. t is the Epliemeris epigraplxica , issued under the 
sanction of the Archaeological Institute at Rome, and edited by 
Mommsen, Henzen, and others, as a Supplement to the Corpus 
above named. It was begun in 1872, and has reached a sixth 

C. I. Or. — Corpus inscriptionum Graecarum prepared under the 
auspices of the Berlin Academy, by Boeckh and Franz, and sub- 
sequently by E. Curtius and A. Kirchhoff. 4 vols. fol. 1828- 

C. I. A. or Att. — Corpus inscriptionum Atticarum, edited under the 
like authority, by Koehler and Dittenberger, of which five vol- 
umes or parts have appeared since 1877. 

C. 1. Mh., or sometimes c< Brambach," denotes the Corpus inscrip- 
tionum Rht nanarum, edited by Wilhelm Brambach, and issued 
in 1867. 

M OrdW or "Henzen" or " Orelli-Henzen" indicates the Inscrip- 
tionum Latinarum seleetarum amplissima cotlectio, edited by 
Orelli and (in the supplementary third volume) Henzen, and 
published at Zurich, 1828-1856. 

Bull, cle corr. Hell, denotes the Bulletin de correspondence HeUenique, 
published by the Ecole Fraiicaise at Athens, from 1877 onward, 
of which nine or ten volumes have appeared. 

11 Le Bas" or u Waddington " or " Le Bas- Waddington ," refers to 
the Voyage arclieologique en Grece et en Asie mineure, by Phi- 
lippe Le Bas and William Henry Waddington, of which portions 
have appeared at intervals since 1847. 


Prefatory Note. 

by issuing the volumes, after a fashion common in Ger- 
many, with a general and a special title, so that they may 
either take their place in continuation or be procured by 
themselves. The special title chosen is somewhat ellipti- 
cal in point of grammar ; but the fuller form would have 
been cumbrous. 

I have taken the opportunity, in verifying various 
references, to correct several such errors as are apt to 
occur in the frequent use of figures ; have broken up 
some of the longer paragraphs, and added considerably to 
the marginal headings ; and have drawn up on my own 
part an Index, which seemed to me more necessary even 
for the present than for the earlier volumes. In prepar- 
ing it I have attempted a mean between a mere notice of 
the more salient matters and a full list of names, and 
have sought to meet the wish of a correspondent by in- 
dexing the names under the familiar surname rather than 
(as in the Index to the earlier volumes) under the gentile 

As regards the maps which have been specially pre- 
pared, as the preface states, for the book by the well- 
known German cartographer, Professor Kiepert, I have 
deemed it best simply to append them, as they stand 
delineated by him, to the English book. Beyond the 
apparent incongruity of the German titles the reader will 
have little difficulty in using them, and will be glad to be 
in possession of Dr. Kiepert's own work. 


Glasgow College, November, 1886. 





Introduction, 3 


The Northern Frontier of Italy, 9 


Spain, 69 


The Gallic Provinces, 85 


Roman Germany and the Free Germans, . . . 127 

Britain, .185 

xvi Contents. 



The Danubian Lands and the Wars on the Danube, . 212 

Greek Europe, 273 

Asia Minor, 347 

References to Mommsen's History of Rome, in 
four volumes^ refer to the American Edition of that 



1 Go through the world and converse with every one." 



The history of Rome under the Empire presents problems 
similar to those encountered in the history of the earlier 

Such information as may be directly obtained from 
literary tradition is not merely without form and colour, 
but in fact for the most part without substance. The list 
of the Roman monarchs is just about as trustworthy and 
just about as instructive as that of the consuls of the re- 
public. The great crises that convulsed the state may be 
discerned in outline ; but we are not much better in- 
formed as to the Germanic wars under the emperors 
Augustus and Marcus, than as to the wars with the 
Samnites. The republican store of anecdote is very 
much more decorous than its counterpart under the 
empire; but the tales told of Fabricius and of the 
emperor Gaius are almost equally insipid and equally 
mendacious. The internal development of the common- 
wealth is perhaps exhibited in the traditional accounts 
more fully for the earlier republic than for the imperial 
period ; in the former case there is preserved a picture — 
however bedimmed and falsified — of the changes of polit- 
ical order that were brought at least to their ultimate 
issue in the open Forum of Rome ; in the latter case the 
arrangements are settled in the imperial cabinet, and come 
before the public, as a rule, merely in unimportant matters 
of form. We must take into account, moreover, the vast 
extension of the sphere of rule, and the shifting of the 
vital development from the centre to the circumference. 
The history of the city of Rome widens out into that of 



the country of Italy, and the latter into that of the 
Mediterranean world ; and of what we are most concerned 
to know, we learn the least. The Koman state of this 
epoch resembles a mighty tree, the main stem of which, 
in the course of its decay, is surrounded by vigorous 
offshoots pushing their way upwards. The Eoman senate 
and the Roman rulers soon came to be drawn from any 
other region of. the empire just as much as from Italy ; 
the Quirites of this epoch, who have become the nominal 
heirs of the world-subduing legionaries, have nearly the 
same relation to the memories of the olden time as our 
Knights of St. John have to Rhodes and Malta ; and they 
look upon their heritage as a right capable of being turned 
to profitable account — as an endowment provided for the 
benefit of the poor that shrink from work. 

Any one who has recourse to the so-called authorities 
for the history of this period — even the better among 
them — finds difficulty in controlling his indignation at the 
telling of what deserved to be suppressed, and at the sup- 
pression of what there was need to tell. For this epoch 
was also one productive of great conceptions and far- 
reaching action. Seldom has the government of the 
world been conducted for so long a term in an orderly 
sequence ; and the firm rules of administration, which 
Caesar and Augustus traced out for their successors, main- 
tained their ground, on the whole, with remarkable stead- 
fastness notwithstanding all those changes of dynasties 
and of dynasts, which assume more than due prominence 
in a tradition that looks merely to such things, and 
dwindles ere long into mere biographies of the emperors. 
The sharply-defined sections, which — under the current 
conception, misled by the superficial character of such a 
basis — are constituted by the change of rulers, pertain far 
more to the doings of the court than to the history of the 
empire. The carrying out of the Latin-Greek civilising 
process in the form of perfecting the constitution of the 
urban community, and the gradual bringing of the bar- 
barian or at any rate alien elements into this circle, were 



tasks, which, from their very nature, required centuries of 
steady activity and calm self-development; and it con- 
stitutes the very grandeur of these centuries that the work 
once planned and initiated found this long period of time, 
and this prevalence of peace by land and sea, to facilitate 
its progress. Old age has not the power to develop new 
thoughts and display creative activity, nor has the govern- 
ment of the Koman empire done so ; but in its sphere, 
which those who belonged to it were not far wrong in re- 
garding as the world, it fostered the peace and prosperity 
of the many nations united under its sway longer and more 
completely than any other leading power has ever suc- 
ceeded in doing. It is in the agricultural towns of Africa, 
in the homes of the vine-dressers on the Moselle, in the 
flourishing townships of the Lycian mountains, and on the 
margin of the Syrian desert that the work of the imperial 
period is to be sought and to be found. Even now there 
are various regions of the East, as of the West, as regards 
which the imperial period marks a climax of good govern- 
ment, very modest in itself, but never withal attained 
before or since ; and, if an angel of the Lord were to 
strike the balance whether the domain ruled by Severus 
Antoninus was governed with the greater intelligence and 
the greater humanity at that time or in the present day, 
whether civilisation and national prosperity generally have 
since that time advanced or retrograded, it is very doubt- 
ful whether the decision would prove in favour of the 
present. But, if we find that this was the case, we ask of 
our surviving books for the most part in vain how it came 
to be so. They no more give an answer to this question 
than the traditional accounts of the earlier republic ex- 
plain the mighty phenomenon of the Eome, which, in the 
footsteps of Alexander, subdued and civilised the world. 

The one void as little admits of being filled up as the 
other. But it seemed worth our making the attempt for 
once to turn away our eyes from the pictures of the rulers 
with their bright or faded, and but too often falsified, 
colours, as well as from the task of linking into a semblance 



of chronological order fragments that do not fit each 
other ; and, instead of this, to collect and arrange such 
materials as tradition and the monuments furnish for a 
description of the Koman provincial government. It 
seemed worth while to collate the accounts accidentally 
preserved by the one or by the other, to note traces of the 
process of growth embedded in its results, and to view 
the general institutions in their relation to the individual 
provinces, along with the conditions given for each by the 
nature of the soil and of the inhabitants, so as to work out 
by the imagination — which is the author of all history as 
of all poetry — if not a complete picture, at any rate a sub- 
stitute for it. 

In this attempt I have not sought to go beyond the 
epoch of Diocletian. A summary glance, at the utmost, 
into the new government which was then created may fitly 
form the keystone of this narrative ; to estimate it fully 
would require a separate narration and another frame for 
its setting — an independent historical work, carried out in 
the large spirit and with the comprehensive glance of 
Gibbon, but with a more accurate understanding of 
details. Italy and its islands have been excluded ; for 
the account of these cannot be dissociated from that of 
the general government of the empire. The external 
history, as it is called, of the imperial period is dealt with 
as an integral part of the provincial administration ; what 
we should call imperial wars were not carried on under , 
the empire against those outside of its pale, although 
the conflicts called forth by the rounding off, or the de- 
fence, of the frontier sometimes assumed such proportions 
as to make them seem wars between two powers similar 
in kind, and the collapse of the Koman rule in the middle 
of the third century, which for some decades seemed as 
though it were to become its definitive end, grew out of 
the unhappy conduct of frontier-defence at several places 
simultaneously. Our narrative opens with the great work 
of pushing forward, and of regulating the frontier towards 
the north, which was partly carried out and partly failed 



under Augustus. At other points we bring together the 
events that occurred on each of the three chief arenas for 
frontier-defence — the Ehine, the Danube, the Euphrates. 
The remainder of the narrative is arranged according to 
provinces. Charms of detail, pictures of feeling, sketches 
of character, it has none to offer ; it is allowable for the 
artist, but not for the historian, to reproduce the features 
of Arminius. With self-denial this book has been written ; 
and with self-denial let it be read. 



The Eoman Republic extended its territory chiefly by 

Northern boun means °^ ^ ne sea towards the west, south, and 
dary of the east : little was done towards extending it in 
the direction, in which Italy and the two pen- 
insulas dependent upon it to the west and east are con- 
nected with the great mainland of Europe. The region 
which lay behind Macedonia was not subject to the 
Romans, nor yet even the northern slope of the Alps ; only 
the inland region behind the south coast of Gaul had been 
annexed by Caesar to the empire. Looking to the position 
occupied by the empire in general, this state of things 
could not be allowed to continue ; the fact that the inert 
and unstable rule of the aristocracy had been superseded 
could not but tell with preeminent effect in this sphere of 
action. Caesar had not charged the heirs of his dictatorial 
power with the extension of Roman territory on the north 
slope of the Alps and on the right bank of the Rhine so 
directly as with the conquest of Britain ; but in reality such 
an enlargement of the bounds suggested itself far more 
naturally, and was more necessary, than the subduing of 
the transmarine Celts, and we can readily understand why 
Augustus took in hand the former and omitted the latter. 
The task was divided into three great sections — the oper- 
ations on the northern frontier of the Graeco-Macedonian 
peninsula, in the region of the middle and lower Danube, 
in Illyricum ; those on the northern frontier of Italy itself, 
in the region of the upper Danube, in Raetia and Noricum ; 
lastly, those on the right bank of the Rhine, in Germany. 
Though conducted for the most part independently, the 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book "VIIL 

military political measures in these regions had yet an in- 
ward connection ; and, as they all had their origin from 
the free initiative of the Roman government, they can 
only be understood in their success or in their partial fail- 
ure, when they are looked at from a military and political 
point of view as a whole. We shall, therefore, in our ac- 
count of them, follow the connection of place rather than 
the order of time ; the structure, of which they are but 
parts, is better viewed in its internal compactness than ac- 
cording to the succession of the several buildings compos- 
ing it. 

The prelude to this great aggregate of action was formed 
by the measures which Caesar the Younger, so 
Dalmatian g00n ag ^ had his hands free in Italy and 
Spain, undertook on the upper coasts of the 
Adriatic and in the inland region adjacent to them. In 
the hundred and fifty years that had elapsed since the 
founding of Aquileia, the Eoman merchant had doubtless 
from that centre possessed himself more and more of the 
traffic ; yet the state, directly as such, had made little 
progress. Considerable trading settlements had been 
formed at the chief ports of the Dalmatian coast, and also, 
on the road leading from Aquileia into the valley of the 
Save, at Nauportus (Upper Laybach) ; Dalmatia, Bosnia, 
Istria, and Carniola were deemed Roman territory, and the 
region along the coast at least was actually subject ; but 
the founding of towns in a legal sense still remained to be 
done, quite as much as the subduing of the inhospitable 

Here, however, another element had to be taken into 
account. In the war between Caesar and Pompeius the 
native Dalmatians had as decidedly taken part for the lat- 
ter as the Roman settlers there had taken the side of Cae- 
sar ; even after the defeat of Pompeius at Pharsalus, and 
after the Pompeian fleet had been driven from the Illyrian 
waters (iv. 519), the natives continued their resistance 
with energy and success. The brave and able Publius 
Vatinius, who had formerly taken a very effective part in 

Chap. I. J Northern Frontier of Italy. 


these conflicts, was sent with a strong army to Illyricum, 
apparently in the year before Caesar's death, and that 
merely as the vanguard of the main army, with which the 
Dictator himself intended to follow in order to overthrow 
the Dacians, who just then were putting forth their rising 
power (iv. 352), and to regulate the state of affairs in the 
whole domain of the Danube. The execution of this plan 
was precluded by the daggers of the assassins. It was 
fortunate that the Dacians did not on their part penetrate 
into Macedonia ; Vatinius himself fought against the Dal- 
matians unsuccessfully, and sustained severe losses. There- 
after, when the republicans took up arms in the East, the 
Illyrian army joined that of Brutus, and for a considerable 
time the Dalmatians remained free from attack. After the 
overthrow of the republicans, Antonius, to whom, in the 
partition of the empire, Macedonia had fallen, caused the 
insubordinate Dardani in the north-west and the Parthini 
g9 on the coast (eastward from Durazzo) to be 

put to rout in the year 715, when the celebrat- 
ed orator Gaius Asinius Pollio gained triumphal honours. 
In Illyricum, which was under Caesar, nothing could be 
done so long as the latter had to direct his whole power to 
the Sicilian war against Sextus Pompeius ; but after its 
successful termination Caesar personally threw himself 
with vigour into this task. The small tribes from Doclea 
(Cernagora), as far as the Iapydes (near Fiume), were in 
35 the first campaign (719) either brought back to 

subjection or now for the first time subdued. 
It was not a great war with pitched battles of note, but the 
mountain-conflicts with the brave and desperate tribes, and 
the capture of the strongholds furnished in part with 
Eoman appliances of war, formed no easy task ; in none of 
his wars did Caesar display to an equal extent his own en- 
ergy and personal valour. After the toilsome subjugation 
of the territory of the Iapydes, he marched in the very 
same year along the valley of the Kulpa to the point where 
it joins the Save ; the strong place Siscia (Sziszek) situated 
at that point, the chief place of arms of the Pannonians, 


Northern Frontier of Italy. TBook VIIL 

against which the Romans had never hitherto advanced 
with success, was now occupied and destined as a basis 
for the war against the Dacians, which Caesar purposed 
34 3g next to undertake. In the two following years 

(720, 721), the Dalmatians, who had for a num- 
ber of years been in arms against the Romans, were forced 
to submit after the fall of their fortress Promona (Promina, 
near Dernis, above Sebenico). Still more important than 
these military successes was the work of peace, which was 
carried on about the same time, and which they were in- 
tended to secure. It was doubtless in these years that the 
posts along the Istrian and Dalmatian coast, so far as they 
lay within the field of Caesar's rule, Tergeste (Trieste), 
Pola, Iader (Zara), Salonae (near Spalato), Narona (at the 
mouth of the Narenta), as well as Emona (Laybach), 
beyond the Alps, on the route from Aquileia over the 
Julian Alps to the Save, obtained, through the second 
Julian law, some of them town-walls, all of them town- 
rights. The places themselves had probably all been al- 
ready long in existence as Roman villages ; but it was at any 
rate of essential importance that they were now inserted on 
a footing of equal privilege among the Italian municipia. 
The Dacian war was intended to follow ; but the civil 

war stepped in before it a second time. It 
for the Dacian summoned the ruler not to Illyricum, but to 

the East, and the heavings of the great de- 
cisive struggle between Caesar and Antonius reached 
even to the distant region of the Danube. The peo- 
ple of the Dacians, united and purified by king Bure- 
bista (Boerebistas, iv. 353), now under king Cotiso, found 
itself courted by the two antagonists — Caesar was even 
accused of having sought the king's daughter in marriage, 
and having offered to him in turn the hand of his five- 
year-old daughter Julia. It is easy to understand how the 
Dacian should, in view of the invasion planned by the 
father and ushered in by the son with the fortification of 
Siscia, have attached himself to the side of Antonius ; and 
had he done what people in Rome feared — had he, while 

Chap. I.] Northern Frontier of Italy. 13 


Caesar was fighting in the East, penetrated from the north 
into defenceless Italy ; or had Antonius, in accordance with 
the proposal of the Dacians, sought the decision of the 
struggle not in Epirus but in Macedonia, and drawn 
thither the Dacian bands to help him, the fortunes of the 
war might perhaps have ended otherwise. But neither 
the one nor the other took place ; moreover, at that very 
time the Dacian state, created by the vigorous hand of 
Burebista, again went to pieces ; internal troubles, per- 
haps also the attacks from the north by the Germanic 
Bastarnae and by the Sarmatian tribes that subsequently 
environed Dacia on all sides, prevented the Dacians from 
interfering in the Roman civil war, in the decision of 
which their future also was at stake. 

Immediately after that war was decided, Caesar set 
himself to regulate the state of things on the lower 
Danube. But, partly because the Dacians themselves were 
no longer so much to be dreaded as formerly, partly be- 
cause Caesar now ruled no longer merely over Illyricum, 
but over the whole Graeco-Macedonian peninsula, the 
latter became the primary basis of the Roman operations. 
Let us picture to ourselves the peoples, and the relations 
of the ruling powers, which Augustus found there. 

Macedonia had been for centuries a Roman province. 

As such, it did not reach beyond Stobi to the 
frontier"*" 1 north and the Rhodope mountains to the 
east ; but the range of Rome's power stretched 
far beyond the frontier proper of the country, although 
varying in compass and not fixed in point of form. Ap- 
proximately the Romans seem to have been the leading 
power at that time as far as the Haemus (Balkan), while 
the region beyond the Balkan as far as the Danube had 
been possibly trodden by Roman troops, but was by no 
means dependent on Rome. ! Beyond the Rhodope moun- 

1 Dio li. 23, expressly says this as to the year 725 : rews fxlv olu 
2Q ravr itroiow {i.e. so long as the Bastarnae attacked only 

the Triballi — near Oescus in Lower Moesia, and the 
Dardani in Upper Moesia), oi)5zv atylcri irpayfxa vpbs rovs 'FwfJLaiovs i\v 

14 Northern Frontier of Italy . [Book VIII. 

tains the Thracian dynasts, who were neighbours to Mace- 
donia, especially those of the Odrysians (ii. 344), to whom 
the greatest portion of the south coast and a part of the 
coast of the Black Sea were subject, had been brought by 
the expedition of Lucullus (iv. 55) under the Roman pro- 
tectorate ; while the inhabitants of the more inland terri- 
tories, especially the Bessi on the upper Maritza, were per- 
haps called subjects, but were not so, and their incursions 
into the settled territory as well as retaliatory expeditions 
into theirs were of constant occurrence Thus, about the 
60 year 694, Augustus' own father, Gaius Octa- 

vius, and in the year 711, during the prepar- 
ations for the war against the triumvirs, 
Marcus Brutus had fought against them. Another Thra- 
cian tribe, the Dentheletae (in the district of Sofia), had, 
even in Cicero's time, on an incursion into Macedonia, 
threatened to besiege its capital Thessalonica. With 
the Dardani, the western neighbours of the Thracians, 
a branch of the Illyrian family, who inhabited southern 
Servia and the district of Prisrend, Curio, the predecessor 
in office of Lucullus, had fought successfully; and ten 
years later Cicero's colleague in the consulate, Gaius An- 
62 tonius, unsuccessfully in the year 692. Be- 

low the Dardanian territory, again, there were 
settled close to the Danube Thracian tribes, the once pow- 
erful but now reduced Triballi in the valley of the Oescus 
(in the region of Plewna), and farther on, along both banks 
of the Danube to its mouth, Dacians, or, as on the right 
bank of the river they were usually called by the old 
national name which was retained also by their Asiatic 
kinsmen, Mysians or Moesians, probably in Burebista's 
time a part of his kingdom, now once more split up into 
different principalities. But the most powerful people be- 
tween the Balkan and the Danube at that time were the 
Bastarnae. We have already on several occasions met 

iirel 5e rov re AT/xov vn£pef$7)(Ta.v teal rrju ®pa,K7]v T7)u A€p6e\r]T(op ev(rirov$oi> 
edpa/iiop k. t. A. The allies in Moesia, of whom Dio, 
xxxviii. 10 speaks, are the coast towns. 

Chap. I.] 

Northern Frontier of Italy. 


with this brave and numerous race, the eastmost branch 
of the great Germanic family (ii. 343). Settled, strictly 
speaking, behind the Transdanubian Dacians beyond the 
mountains which separate Transylvania from Moldavia, at 
the mouths of the Danube and in the wide region from 
these to the Dniester, they were themselves outside of the 
Eoman sphere ; but from their ranks especially had both 
king Philip of Macedonia and king Mithridate.s of Pontus 
formed their armies, and in this way the Romans had often 
already fought with them. Now they had crossed the 
Danube in great masses, and established themselves north 
of the Haemus ; in so far as the Dacian war, as planned 
by Caesar the father and then by the son, had doubtless 
for its object to gain the right bank of the lower Danube, 
it was not less directed against them than against the 
Dacian Moesians on the right bank. The Greek coast 
towns in the barbarian land, Odessus (near Varna), Tomis, 
Istropolis, hard pressed by these movements of the nations 
surging around them, were here as everywhere from the 
outset clients of the Romans. 

At the time of Caesar's dictatorship, when Burebista 
was at the height of his power, the Dacians had executed 
that fearful devastating raid along the coast as far down 
as Apollonia, the traces of which were not yet obliterated 
after a century and a half. It may probably have been this 
invasion that at first induced Caesar the elder to undertake 
the Dacian war ; and after that the son now ruled also over 
Macedonia, he could not but feel himself under obligation 
to interfere here at once and with energy. The defeat which 
Cicero's colleague, Antonius, had sustained near Istropolis 
at the hands of the Bastarnae may be taken as a proof that 
these Greeks needed once more the aid of the Romans. 

In fact soon after the battle of Actium (725) Marcus 
Licinius Crassus, the grandson of him who 
subjugation of na( ^ fallen at Carrhae, was sent by Caesar to 
Cra e ssus by Macedonia as governor, and charged now to 
carry out the campaign that had twice been 
hindered. The Bastarnae, who just then had invaded 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII, 

Thrace, submitted without resistance, when Crassus had 
them summoned to leave the Roman territory ; but their 
retreat was not sufficient for the Roman. He, on his part, 
crossed the Haemus, 1 at the confluence of the Cibrus 
(Tzibritza) with the Danube, defeated the enemy, whose 
king, Deldo, was left on the field of battle ; and, with the 
help of a Dacian prince adhering to the Romans, took 
prisoners all that had escaped from the battle and sought 
shelter in a neighbouring stronghold. Without offering 
further resistance the whole Moesian territory submitted 
to the conqueror of the Bastarnae. These, re turned next 
year to avenge the defeat which they had suffered ; but 
they once more succumbed, and, with them, such of the 
Moesian tribes as had again taken up arms. Thus these 
enemies were once for all expelled from the right bank 
of the Danube, and the latter was entirely subjected to the 
Roman rule. At the same time the Thracians not hitherto 
subject were chastised, the national shrine of Dionysos 
was taken from the Bessi, and the administration of it 
was entrusted to the princes of the Odrysians, who gener- 
ally from that time, under the protection of the Roman 
supreme power, exercised, or were assumed to exercise, 
supremacy over the Thracian tribes south of the Haemus. 
The Greek towns, moreover, on the coast of the Black 
Sea were placed under its protection, and the rest of the 
conquered territory was assigned to various vassal-princes, 
on whom devolved accordingly, in the first instance, the 
protection of the frontier of the empire ; 2 Rome had no 

1 When Dio says (li. 23) : tV 'SeyeTiKw KaXov/u.4wqv Trpoff€iroiiij<raTo 
koI is tt)v MvaiSa eV/3aA.e, the town spoken of, doubtless, can only 
be Serdica, the modern Sofia, on the upper Oescus, the key to the 
Moesian country. 

2 After the campaign of Crassus the conquered land was probably 
organised in such a way that the coast went to the Thracian em- 
pire, as Zippel has shown (Rom. Tllyricum, p. 243), and the western 
portion was, just like Thrace, assigned in fief to the native princes, 
in place of one of whom must have come the %>raefcctus cimtatium 
Moesiae et Triballiae (C. I. L. v. 1838), who was still acting under 
Tiberius. The usual assumption that Moesia was at first combined 

Chap. LJ Northern Frontier of Italy. 


legions of her own left for these distant regions. Macedonia 
thereby became an inland province, which had no further 
need of military administration. The goal, which had been 
contemplated in those plans of Dacian warfare, was attained. 

Certainly this goal was merely a provisional one. But 
before Augustus took in hand the definitive regulation of 
the northern frontier he applied himself to reorganise 
the provinces already belonging to the empire ; more than 
ten years elapsed over the arrangement of things in 
Spain, Gaul, Asia, and Syria. How, when what was need- 
ful in these quarters was done, he set to work on his com- 
prehensive task, we have now to tell. 

with Illyricum, rests only on the circumstance that in the enume- 
27 ration of the provinces apportioned in the year 727 

between emperor and senate in Dio, liii. 12 it is not 
named, and so was contained in "Dalmatia." But this enumera- 
tion does not extend at all to the vassal-states and the procuratorial 
provinces, and so far all is in due keeping with that assumption. 
On the other hand, weighty arguments tell against the usual con- 
ception. Had Moesia been originally a part of the province of Illy- 
ricum, it would have retained this name ; for on the division of a 
province the name was usually retained, and only a denning epithet 
added. But the appellation Illyricum, which Dio doubtless repro- 
duces I.e., was always in this connection restricted to the upper 
(Dalmatia) and the lower (Pannonia). Moreover, if Moesia was a 
part of Illyricum, there was no room left for that Prefect of Moesia 
and Triballia, or in other words for his kingly predecessor. Lastly, 
^ it is far from probable that in 727 a command of such 

extent and importance should have been entrusted 
to a single senatorial governor. On the other hand, everything ad- 
mits of easy explanation, if small client-states arose in Moesia after 
the war of Crassus ; these were as such from the outset under the 
emperor, and, as the senate did not take part in their successive 
annexation and conversion into a governorship, this might easily be 
. unnoticed in the Annals. It was completed in or be- 

fore the year 743, seeing that the governor, L. Cal- 
purnius Piso then waging war against the Thracians, to whom Dio 
(liv. 34) erroneously assigns the province of Pamphylia, can only 
have had as his province Pannonia or Moesia, and, as at that time 
Tiberius was acting as legate in Pannonia, there is left for him 
only Moesia. In 6 a.d. there certainly appears an imperial gov- 
ernor of Moesia. 



JVorthern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

Italy, which bore sway over three continents, was still, 
as we have said, by no means absolutely 
of U Se Alps? master in her own house. The Alps, which 
sheltered her on the north, were in all their 
extent, from one end to the other, filled with small and but 
little civilised tribes of Illyrian, Kaetian, or Celtic nation- 
ality, whose territories in part bordered closely on those 
of the great towns of the Transpadana — that of the 
Trumpilini (Val Trompia) on the town of Brixia ; that of 
the Camunni (Val Camonica above the Lago dTseo) on 
the town of Bergomum ; that of the Salassi (Val d'Aosta) 
on Eporedia (Ivrea) — and whose neighbourhood was 
by no means wont to be peaceful. Often enough con- 
quered and proclaimed at the Capitol as vanquished, these 
tribes, in spite of the laurels of the men of note that 
triumphed over them, were constantly plundering the 
farmers and the merchants of Upper Italy. The mischief 
was not to be checked in earnest until the government re- 
solved to cross the Alpine chain and bring its northern 
slope also under their power ; for beyond doubt numbers 
of these depredators were constantly streaming over the 
mountains to pillage the rich adjoining country. In the 
direction of Gaul also similar work had to be done ; the 
tribes in the upper valley of the Bhone (Valais and Vaud) 
had indeed been subdued by Caesar, but are also named 
among those that gave trouble to the generals of his 
son. On the other side, the peaceful border- districts of 
Gaul complained of the constant incursions of the Raeti. 
The numerous expeditions arranged by Augustus on ac- 
count of these evils do not admit, or require, historical 
recital ; they are not recorded in the triumphal Fasti and 
do not fall under that head, but they gave to Italy for tho 
first time settled life in the north. We may 
1 mention the subjugation of the already named 

Camunni in 738 by the governor of Elyria, and that of 
certain Ligurian tribes in the region of Nice 
in 740, because they show how, even about 
the middle of the Augustan age, these insubordinate tribes 

Chap. I.] Northern Frontier of Italy. 


pressed directly upon Italy. If the emperor subsequently, 
in the collective report on his imperial administration, de- 
clared that violence had not been wrongfully employed by 
him against any of these small tribes, this must be under- 
stood to the effect that cessions of territory and change of 
abode were demanded of them, and they resisted the de- 
mand ; only the petty cantonal union formed under king 
Cottius of Segusio (Susa) submitted without a struggle to 
the new arrangement. 

The southern slopes and the valleys of the Alps formed 
the arena of these conflicts. The establish- 
SSSffi!" 04 men * of * ne Romans on the north slope of 
the mountains and in the adjoining country 
to the northward followed in 739. The two step-sons of 
Augustus reckoned as belonging to the impe- 
rial house, Tiberius the subsequent emper- 
or, and his brother Drusus, were thereby introduced into 
the career of generalship for which they were destined ; 
very secure and very grateful were the laurels put before 
them in prospect. Drusus penetrated from Italy up the 
valley of the Adige into the Eaetian mountains, and 
achieved here a first victory ; for the farther advance 
his brother, then governor of Gaul, lent him a helping 
hand from Helvetia ; on the lake of Constance itself the 
Roman triremes defeated the boats of the Vindelici ; on 
the emperor's day, the 1st August 739, in the vicinity of 
the sources of the Danube, was fought the 
last battle, whereby Raetia and the land of 
the Vindelici — that is, the Tyrol, East Switzerland, and 
Bavaria — became thenceforth constituent parts of the 
Roman empire. The emperor Augustus had gone in 
person to Gaul to superintend the war and the organisa- 
tion of the new province. At the point where the Alps 
abut on the Gulf of Genoa, on the height above Monaco, 
a monument commanding a wide prospect of the Tyrrhene 
Sea, and not even yet wholly effaced, was erected some 
years later by grateful Italy to the emperor Augustus, 
because under his government all the Alpine tribes from 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

the Upper to the Lower sea — the inscription enumerates 
forty- six of them — had been brought under the power 
of the Koman people. It was no more than the simple 
truth ; and this war was what war ought to be — the 
guardian and the guarantee of peace. 

A task more difficult doubtless than that of the war 
proper was the organisation of the new terri- 

Organisation of . . 

Raetia. tory ; the more especially as considerations ol 

internal policy exerted to some extent a very 
disturbing influence on it. Since, as things stood, the 
preponderance of military power might not be located in 
Italy, the government had to take care that the great mili- 
tary commands were removed as far as possible from its 
immediate vicinity ; indeed one of the motives that 
conduced to the occupation of Kaetia itself was the desire 
to remove the command, which probably up to this time 
could not have been dispensed with in Upper Italy itself, 
definitively away from that region, as was thereupon actu- 
ally done. It might most naturally have been expected 
that there would be created on the north slope of the 
Alps a great centre for the military posts indispensable 
in the newly acquired territory ; but a course the very 
opposite of this was followed. Between Italy on the one 
hand, and the great commands on the Rhine and Danube 
on the other, there was drawn a girdle of small governor- 
ships, which were not merely all filled up by the emperor, 
but were also filled up throughout with men not belonging 
to the senate. Italy and the province of southern Gaul 
were separated by the three small military districts of the 
Maritime Alps ( department of the Maritime Alps and the 
province of Cuneo ), the Cottian Alps with Segusio 
( Susa ) as its chief town, and probably the Graian Alps 
( East Savoy ). Among these the second, administered by 
the already named cantonal prince, Cottius, and his de- 
scendants for a time under the form of clientship, 1 was of 

1 The official title of Cottius was not king, like that of his father 
Donnus, but " president of the cantonal union (praefectus civita- 

Chap. I.] 

Northern Frontier of Italy. 


most importance, but they all possessed a certain military 
power, and were primarily destined to maintain public 
safety in the territory concerned, and above all on the 
important imperial highways traversing it. The upper 
valley of the Ehone again — that is, the Valais, and the 
newly conquered Raetia — were placed under a commander 
of higher standing not in rank, but doubtless in power ; a 
corps, relatively speaking, considerable was here for the time 
being indispensably requisite. In order, however, to pro- 
vide for its being diminished as far as possible, Raetia was 
in great measure depopulated by the removal of its inhab- 
itants. The circuit was closed by the similarly organised 
province of Noricum, embracing the largest part of what 
is now German Austria. This wide and fertile region had 
submitted without substantial resistance to the Roman 
rule, probably in the form of a dependent principality 
emerging in the first instance, but of its prince ere long 
giving place to the imperial procurator, from whom, for 
that matter, he did not essentially differ. Some, at all 
events, of the Rhenish and Danubian legions had their 
fixed quarters in the immediate neighbourhood, on the one 
hand of the Raetian frontier at Vindonissa, on the other 
of the Norican frontier at Poetovio, obviously to keep in 
check the adjoining province ; but in that intermediate 
region as little were there armies of the first rank with 
legions under senatorial generals, as there were senatorial 
governors. The distrust towards the corporation govern- 
ing the state alongside of the emperor finds very forcible 
expression in this arrangement. 

Next to the protection of the peace of Italy the chief 
aim of this organisation was to secure its communications 
with the north, which were of not less urgent importance 

Hum ), as he is named on the still standing arch of Susa erected by 
him in honour of Augustus in the year 745-6. But 
the position was beyond doubt held for life, and, 
under reservation of the superior's right to confirm it, also heredi- 
tary ; so far therefore the union was certainly a principality, as it is 
usually so termed. 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

for traffic than in a military point of view. With special 
energy Augustus took up this task; and he 
onies in the doubtless deserved that his name should still 
Alps ' live at the present day in those of Aosta and 

Augsburg, perhaps also in that of the Julian Alps. The 
old coast-road, which Augustus partly renewed, partly 
constructed, from the Ligurian coast through Gaul and 
Spain to the Atlantic Ocean, can only have served purposes 
of traffic. The road also over the Cottian Alps, already 
opened up by Pompeius (iv. 41), was finished under Au- 
gustus by the already mentioned prince of Susa, and 
named after him ; in like manner a trading route, it con- 
nects Italy, by way of Turin and Susa, with the commer- 
cial capital of south Gaul, Ar elate. - But the military line 
proper — the direct connection between Italy and the 
camps on the Khine — led through the valley of the Dora 
Baltea from Italy partly to Lyons the capital of Gaul, 
partly to the Rhine. While the republic had confined it- 
self to bringing into its power the entrance of that valley 
by founding Eporedia (Ivrea), Augustus possessed himself 
of it entirely by not merely subjugating its inhabitants 
— the still restless Salassi, with whom he had already 
fought during the Dalmatian war — but extirpating them 
outright ; 36,000 of them, including 8,000 fighting men, 
were sold under the hammer into slavery in the market- 
place of Eporedia, and the purchasers were bound not 
to grant freedom to any of them within twenty years. 
The camp itself, from which his general Varro Murena 
had achieved their final defeat in 729, became 


the fortress, which, occupied by 3,000 settlers 
taken from the imperial guard, was to secure the com- 
munications — the town Augusta Praetoria, the modern 
Aosta, whose walls and gates then erected are still stand- 
ing. It commanded subsequently two Alpine routes, as 
well that which led over the Graian Alps, or Little St. 
Bernard, along the upper Isere and the Rhone to Lyons, 
as that which ran over the Poenine Alps, the Great St. 
Bernard, to the valley of the Rhone and to the Lake of 

chajp. I.] Northern Frontier of Italy. 


Geneva, and thence into the valleys of the Aar and the 
Rhine. But it was for the first of these roads that the 
town was designed, as it originally had only gates leading 
east and west ; nor could this be otherwise, for the for- 
tress was built ten years before the occupation of Raetia ; 
in those years, moreover, the later organisation of the 
camps on the Rhine was not yet in existence, and the di- 
rect connection between the capitals of Italy and Gaul was 
altogether of the foremost importance. In the direction 
of the Danube we have already mentioned the laying out 
of Emona on the upper Save, on the old trade-road from 
Aquileia over the Julian Alps into the Pannonian terri- 
tory. This road was at the same time the chief artery 
for the military communication of Italy with the region 
of the Danube. Lastly, with the conquest of Raetia was 
connected the opening of the route which led from the 
last Italian town Tridentum (Trent), up the Adige valley 
to the newly established Augusta in the land of the Vin- 
delici, the modern Augsburg, and onward to the upper 
Danube. Subsequently, when the son of the general who 
had first opened up this region came to reign, this road 
received the name of the Claudian highway. 1 It fur- 
nished the means of connection, indispensable from a mil- 
itary point of view, between Raetia and Italy ; but in con- 
sequence of the comparatively small importance of the 

1 We know this road only in the shape which the emperor Clau- 
dius, the son of the constructor, gave to it ; originally, of course, it 
cannot have been called via Claudia, but only via Augusta, and we 
can hardly regard as its terminus in Italy Altinum, in the neighbour- 
hood of the modern Venice, since, under Augustus, all the imperial 
roads still led to Rome. That the road ran through the upper 
Adige valley is shown by the milestone found at Meran (C. 1. L. v. 
8003) ; that it led to the Danube, is attested ; the connection of the 
making of this road with the founding of Augusta Vindelicum. 
though this was at first only a market- village {forum), is more than 
probable (C. i". L. iii. p. 711) ; in what way Augsburg and the Dan- 
ube were reached from Meran we do not know. Subsequently the 
road was rectified, so as to leave the Adige at Bautzen, and to lead 
up the Eisach valley over the Brenner to Augsburg. 

24 Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

Kaetian army, and doubtless also in consequence of the 
more difficult communication, it never had the same im- 
portance as the route of Aosta. 

The Alpine passes and the north slope of the Alps were 
thus in secure possession of the Romans. Beyond the 
Alps there stretched to the east of the Rhine the land of 
the Germans ; to the south of the Danube that of the 
Pannonians and the Moesians. Here, too, soon after the 
occupation of Raetia, the offensive was taken, and nearly 
contemporaneously in both directions. Let us look first 
at what occurred on the Danube. 

The Danubian region, to all appearance up to 727 ad- 
ministered along with Upper Italy, became 
Erection of then, on the reorganisation of the empire, an 
iiiyncum. independent administrative district, Illyricum, 
under a governor of its own. It consisted of Dalmatia, 
with the country behind it, as far as the Drin — while the 
coast farther to the south had for long belonged to the 
province of Macedonia — and of the Roman possessions in 
the land of the Pannonians on the Save. The region be- 
tween the Haemus and the Danube as far as the Black Sea, 
which Crassus had shortly before brought into dependence 
on the empire, as well as Noricum and Raetia, stood in a 
relation of clientship to Rome, and so did not belong as 
such to this province, but withal were primarily dependent 
on the governor of Illyricum. Thrace, north of the Hae- 
mus, still by no means pacified, fell, from a military point 
of view, to the same district. It was a continued effect of 
the original organisation, and one which subsisted down 
to a late period, that the whole region of the Danube from 
Raetia to Moesia was comprehended as a customs-district 
under the name Illyricum in the wider sense. Legions 
were stationed only in Illyricum proper, in the other dis- 
tricts there were probably no imperial troops at all, or at 
the utmost small detachments ; the chief command was 
held by the proconsul of the new province coming from 
the senate ; while the soldiers and officers were, as a mat- 
ter of course, imperial. It attests the serious character of 

Chap. I ] Northern Frontier of Italy. 25 

the offensive beginning after the conquest of Raetia, that 
in the first instance the co-ruler Agrippa took over the 
command in the region of the Danube, to whom the pro- 
consul of Illyricum had to become de litre subordinate ; 

and then, when Agrippa's sudden death in the 
spring of 742 broke down this combination, 
Illyricum in the following year passed into imperial ad- 
ministration, and the imperial generals obtained the chief 
commands in it. Soon three military centres were here 
formed, which thereupon brought about the administra- 
tive division of the Danubian region into three parts. The 
small principalities in the territory conquered by Crassus 
gave place to the province of XEoesia, the governor of which 
henceforth, in what is now Servia and Bulgaria, guarded 
the frontier against the Dacians and Bastarnae. In what 
had hitherto been the province of Illyricum, a part of the 
legionaries was posted on the Kerka and the Cettina, to 
keep in check the still troublesome Dalmatians. The chief 
force was stationed in Pannonia, on what was then the 
boundary of the empire, the Save. This distribution of 
the legions and organisation of the provinces cannot be 
fixed with chronological precision ; probably the serious 
wars which were waged simultaneously against the Pan- 
nonians and the Thracians, of which we have immediately 
to speak, led in the first instance to the institution of the 
governorship of Moesia, and it was not till some time later 
that the Dalmatian legions and those on the Save obtained 
commanders-in-chief of their own. 

As the expeditions against the Pannonians and the Ger- 
FirstPanno- mans were, as it were, a repetition of the 
man war of Raetian campaign on a more extended scale, 

Tiberius. 1 D 

so the leaders, who were put at their head 
with the title of imperial legates, were the same — once 
more the two princes of the imperial house, Tiberius, who, 
in the place of Agrippa, took up the command in Illyri- 
cum, and Drusus, who went to the Rhine, both now no 
longer inexperienced youths, but men in the prime of their 
years, and well fitted to take in hand severe work. 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

Immediate pretexts for the waging of war in the region 
of the Danube were not wanting. Marauders from Pan- 
nonia, and even from the peaceful Noricum, carried pillage 
in the year 738 as far as Istria. Two years 
thereafter the Illyrian provincials took up arms 
against their masters, and, although they returned to obe- 
dience without offering opposition when Agrippa took over 
the command in the autumn of 741, yet imme- 
diately after his death the disturbances are 
alleged to have begun afresh. We cannot say how far 
these Roman accounts correspond to the truth ; certainly 
the pushing forward of the Eoman frontier, required by 
the general political situation, formed the real motive and 
aim of the war. As to the three campaigns of 
Tiberius in Pannonia from 742 to 744 we are 
very imperfectly informed. Their result was stated by 
the government as the establishment of the Danube as the 
boundary for the province of Illyricum. That this river 
was thenceforth looked upon in its whole course as the 
boundary of Roman territory, is doubtless correct ; but a 
subjugation in the proper sense, or even an occupation, of 
the whole of this wide domain by no means took place at 
that time. The chief resistance to Tiberius was offered by 
the tribes already at an earlier date declared Roman, es- 
pecially by the Dalmatians ; among those first effectively 
subdued at that time, the most noted was that of the Pan- 
nonian Breuci on the lower Save. The Roman armies, 
during these campaigns, hardly ever crossed the Drave, 
and did not in any case transfer their standing camp to 
the Danube. The region between the Save and Drave 
was at all events occupied, and the headquarters of the 
Illyrian northern army were transferred from Siscia on the 
Save to Poetovio (Pettau) on the middle Danube, while 
in the Norican region recently occupied the Roman garri- 
sons reached as far as the Danube at Carnuntum (Petronell, 
near Vienna), at that time the last Norican town towards 
the east. The wide and vast region between the Drave 
and the Danube, which now forms western Hungary, was 

Chap. I.] Northern Frontier of Italy. 27 

to all apearance at that time not even militarily occupied. 
This was in keeping with the whole plan of the offensive 
operations that were begun ; the object sought was to be 
in touch with the Gallic army, and for the new imperial 
frontier in the north-east the natural base was not Buda, 
but Vienna. 

Complementary in some measure to this Pannonian ex- 
pedition of Tiberius was that which was simul- 
Piso acian war ° f taneously undertaken against the Thracians by 
Lucius Piso, perhaps the first governor that 
Moesia had of its own. The two great neighbouring na- 
tions, the Illyrians and the Thracians, of whom we shall 
treat more fully in a subsequent chapter, stood alike at 
that time in need of subjugation. The tribes of inland 
Thrace showed themselves still more obstinate than the 
Illyrians, and far from subordinate to the kings set over 
them by Eome ; in 738 a Eoman army had to 
advance thither and come to the help of the 
princes against the Bessi. If we had more exact ac- 
counts of the conflicts waged in the one quarter as in the 
other in the years 741 to 743, the contem- 

13 11 

porary action of the Thracians and Illyrians 
would perhaps appear as concerted. Certain it is that 
the mass of the Thracian tribes south of the Haemus and 
presumably also those settled in Moesia took part in this 
national war, and that the resistance of the Thracians was 
not less obstinate than that of the Illyrians. It was for 
them at the same time a religious war ; the shrine of 
Dionysos, 1 taken from the Bessi and assigned to the Odry- 
sian princes well disposed to Kome, was not forgotten ; a 

1 The locality "in which the Bessi honour the god Dionysos," 
and which Crassus took from them and gave to the Odrysians (Dio, 
li. 25), is certainly the same Liberi patris lucus, in which Alexander 
sacrificed, and the father of Augustus, cum per secreta Thraciae ex- 
ertitum duceret, asked the oracle respecting his son (Suetonius, Aug. 
94), and which Herodotus already mentions (ii. in; compare Eurip- 
ides, Hec. 1267) as an oracular shrine placed under the protection 
of the Bessi. Certainly it is to be sought northwards of Rhodope ; 
\t has not yet been discovered. 


Northern Frontier of Ttahj. [Book VIII. 

priest of this Dionysos stood at the head of the insurrec- 
tion, and it was directed in the first instance against those 
Odrysian princes. One of them was taken and put to 
death, the other was driven away ; the insurgents, in part 
armed and disciplined after the Eoman model, were vic- 
tors in the first engagement over Piso, and penetrated as 
far as Macedonia and into the Thracian Chersonese ; fears 
were entertained for Asia. Ultimately, however, Eoman 
discipline gained the superiority over these brave oppo- 
nents ; in several campaigns Piso mastered the resistance, 
and the command of Moesia, instituted either already on 
this occasion or soon afterwards on " the Thracian shore," 
broke up the connection of the Daco-Thracian peoples, by 
separating the tribes on the left bank of the Danube and 
their kinsmen south of the Haemus from each other, and 
permanently secured the Eoman rule in the region of the 
lower Danube. 

The Germans still more than the Pannonians and the 
Att k fth Thracians gave the Eomans occasion to feel 
Germans. that the existing state of things could not 
permanently continue. The boundary of the 
empire since Caesar's time had been the Ehine from the 
lake of Constance to its mouth (iv. 299). It was not a 
demarcation of peoples, for already of old in the north-east 
of Gaul the Celts had on various occasions mingled with 
Germans, the Treveri and Nervii would at least gladly 
have been Germans (iv. 283), and on the middle Ehine 
Caesar himself had provided settlements for the remnant 
of the hosts of Ariovistus — Triboci (in Alsace) Nemetes 
(about Spires), Vangiones (about Worms). Those Ger- 
mans on the left of the Ehine indeed adhered more firmly 
to the Eoman rule than the Celtic cantons, and it was 
not they that opened the gates of Gaul to their country- 
men on the right bank. But these, long accustomed to 
predatory raids over the river and by no means forgetting 
the half successful attempts on several occasions to settle 
there, came unbidden. The only Germanic tribe beyond 
the Ehine, which already in Caesar's time had separat- 

Chap. I.] 

Northern Frontier of Italy. 


ed from their countrymen and placed themselves under 
Roman protection, the Ubii, had to give way before the 
hatred of their exasperated kinsmen and to seek protection 

and new abodes on the Eoman bank (716) ; 

Agrippa, although personally present in Gaul, 
had not been able, amidst the pressure of the Sicilian war 
then impending, to help them otherwise, and had crossed 
the Rhine merely to effect their transference. From this 
settlement of theirs our Cologne subsequently grew up. 
25 Not merely were the Romans trading on the 

right bank of the Rhine subjected to various 

injuries by the Germans, so that even in 729 
an advance over the Rhine was executed, and Agrippa in 

734 had to expel from Gaul Germanic hordes 

16. 1 

that had come thither from the Rhine ; but 
in 738 the further bank was affected by a more general 
movement, which terminated in an invasion on a great 
scale. The Sugambri on the Ruhr took the lead, and 
with them their neighbours the Usipes on the north in 
the valley of the Lippe, and the Tencteri on the south ; 
they attacked the Roman traders sojourning among them 
and nailed them to the cross, then crossed the Rhine, pil- 
laged the Gallic cantons far and wide, and, 
LoSus° f when the governor of Germany sent the 
legate Marcus Lollius with the fifth legion 
against them, they first cut off its cavalry and then put 
the legion itself to disgraceful flight, on which occa- 
sion even its eagle fell into their hands. After all this 
they returned unassailed to their homes. This miscar- 
riage of the Roman army, though not of importance in it- 
self, was not to be despised in presence of the Germanic 
movement and even of the troublesome feeling in Gaul ; 
Augustus himself went to the province attacked, and this 
occurrence may possibly have been the immediate occasion 
for the adoption of that great movement of offence, 
which, beginning with the Raetian war in 739, 
led on to the campaigns of Tiberius in Illyri- 
cum and of Drusus in Germany. 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book vm. 

Nero Claudius Drusus, born in 716 by Livia in the 
3g bouse of her new husband, afterwards Augus- 

tus, and loved and treated by the latter like a 
DrSf s nwar ° f son — evil tongues said, as his son — the very 
image of manly beauty and of winning grace 
in converse, a brave soldier and an able general, a pro- 
nounced panegyrist, moreover, of the old republican 
system, and in every respect the most popular prince of; 
the imperial house, took up, on the return of Augustus to 
Italy (741), the administration of Gaul and the chief com 
13 mand against the Germans, whose subjuga- 

tion was now contemplated in earnest. We 
have no adequate means of knowing either the strength 
of the army then stationed on the Rhine, or how matters 
stood with the Germans ; this much only is clear that the 
latter were not in a position suitably to meet the compact 

The region of the Neckar formerly possessed by the 
Helvetii (iii. 211), then for long a debatable border-land 
between them and the Germans, lay desolate and domi- 
nated on the one side by the recently subdued district 
of the Vindelici, on the other side by the Germans friendly 
to Rome about Strassburg, Spires, and Worms. Farther 
northward, in the region of the upper Main, were settled 
the Marcomani, perhaps the most powerful of the Suebian 
tribes, but from of old at enmity with the Germans of the 
middle Rhine. Northward of the Main followed first in 
the Taunus the Chatti, farther down the Rhine the already 
named Tencteri, Sugambri, and Usipes ; behind them the 
powerful Cherusci on the W T eser, besides a number of 
tribes of secondary rank. As it was these tribes on the 
middle Rhine, with the Sugambri at their head, that had 
carried out that attack on Roman Gaul, the retaliatory 
expedition of Drusus was directed mainly against them, 
and they too combined for joint resistance to Drusus 
and for the institution of a national army to be formed 
from the contingents of all these cantons. The Frisian 
tribes, however, on the coast of the North Sea did not 

Chap. I. ] Northern Frontier of Italy. 


join the movement, but persevered in their peculiar iso- 

It was the Germans who assumed the offensive. The 
Sugambri and their allies again seized all the Romans 
whom they could lay hold of on their bank, and nailed to 
the cross the centurions among them, twenty in number. 
The allied tribes resolved once more to invade Gaul, and 
even divided the spoil beforehand — the Sugambri were to 
obtain the people, the Cherusci the horses, the Suebian 
tribes the gold and silver. So they attempted in the be- 
i2 ginning of 742 again to cross the Rhine, and 

hoped for the support of the Germans on the 
left bank of the river, and even for an insurrection of the 
Gallic cantons just at that time excited by the unwonted 
matter of the census. But the young general took his 
measures well ; he nipped the movement in the Roman 
territory before it was well set agoing, drove back the in- 
vaders even as they were crossing the river, and then 
crossed the stream on his own part, in order to lay waste 
the territory of the Usipes and Sugambri. This was a 
repulse for the time ; the plan of the war proper, designed 
on a grander scale, started from the acquisition of the 
North Sea coast and of the mouths of the Ems and the 
Elbe. The numerous and valiant tribe of the Batavi in 
the delta of the Rhine had been incorporated — to all ap- 
pearance, at that time and by amicable concert — in the 
Roman empire ; with its help a communication by water 
was established from the Rhine to the Zuyder See, and 
from the latter to the North Sea, which opened up for the 
Rhine-fleet a safer and shorter way to the mouths of the 
Ems and Elbe. The Frisians on the north coast followed 
the example of the Batavi and likewise submitted to the 
foreign rule. It was doubtless still more the moderate 
policy than the military preponderance of the Romans, 
which paved the way for them here ; these tribes remained 
almost wholly exempt from tribute, and were drawn upon 
for war-service in a way which did not alarm, but allured 
them. From this basis the expedition proceeded along 


Northern Frontier of Italy. I Book VIII. 

the coast of the North Sea ; in the open sea the island of 
Burchanis (perhaps Borchum off East Friesland) was taken 
by assault ; on the Ems the fleet of boats of the Bructeri 
was vanquished by the Roman fleet ; Drusus reached as 
far as the Chauci at the mouth of the Weser. The fleet 
indeed on its return homewards encountered dangerous 
and unknown shallows, and, but for the Frisians affording 
a safe escort to the shipwrecked army, it would have been 
in a very critical position. Nevertheless, by this first 
campaign the coast from the mouth of the Bhine to that 
of the Weser had been gained for Borne. 

After the coast was thus acquired, the subjugation of 
the interior began in the next year (743). It 
was materially facilitated by the dissensions 
among the Germans of the middle Bhine. For the attack 
on Gaul attempted in the previous year the Chatti had 
not furnished the promised contingent ; in natural, but 
still far from politic, anger the Sugambri had suddenly 
assailed the land of the Chatti with all their force, and so 
their own territory as well as that of their next neigh- 
bours on the Bhine was occupied without difficulty by the 
Bomans. The Chatti thereupon submitted to the enemies 
of their enemies without resistance ; nevertheless, they 
were directed to evacuate the bank of the Bhine and to 
occupy instead of it that district which the Sugambri had 
hitherto possessed. Not less did the powerful Cherusci 
farther inland on the middle Weser succumb. The Chauci 
settled on the lower stream were now assailed by land as 
they had been before by sea ; and thus the whole territory 
between the Bhine and Weser was taken possession of, at 
least at the places of decisive military importance. The 
return was certainly, just as in the previous year, on the 
point of being almost fatal ; at Arbalo (site unknown) the 
Bomans found themselves surrounded on all sides in a 
narrow defile by the Germans and deprived of their com- 
munications ; but the firm discipline of the legions, and the 
arrogant confidence of success withal on the part of the 
Germans, changed the threatened defeat into a brilliant 

Chap. I.] Northern Frontier of Italy. 


victory. 1 In the next year (744) the Chatti revolted, in- 
dignant at the loss of their old beautiful 
home ; but now they for their part remained 
alone, and were, after an obstinate resistance, and not 
without considerable loss, subdued by the Romans (745). 

The Marcomani on the upper Main, who after 
the occupation of the territory of the Chatti 
were next exposed to the attack, gave way before it, and 
retired into the land of the Boii, the modern Bohemia, 
without interfering from this point, where they were re- 
moved beyond the immediate sphere of the Boman power, 
in the conflicts on the Bhine. In the whole region between 
the Bhine and Weser the war was at an end. Drusus was 
able in 745 to set foot on the right bank of 


the Weser in the canton of the Cherusci, and 
to advance thence to the Elbe, which he did not cross, and 
presumably was instructed not to do so. Several severe 

combats took place ; successful resistance was 
Drusis.° f nowhere offered. But on the return-march, 

which led apparently up the Saale and thence 
to the Weser, a severe blow befell the Bomans, not 
through the enemy but through an incalculable misfor- 
tune. The general fell with his horse and broke his thigh- 
bone; after thirty days of suffering he expired in the dis- 
tant land between the Saale and Weser, 2 which had never 

1 That the battle at Arbalo (Plin. H.N. xi. 17, 55) belongs to this 
year, is shown bj Obsequens, 72, and so the narrative in Dio, liv. 
33, applies to it. 

2 That the fall of Drusus took place in the region of the 
Saale we may be allowed to infer from Strabo, vii. I, 3, p. 291, 
although he only says that he perished on the march between Salas 
and Rhine, and the identification of the Salas with the Saale rests 
solely on the resemblance of name. From the scene of the mishap 
he was then transported as far as the summer camp (Seneca, Cons, 
ad Marcia/m 3: ipsis ilium hostibus aegrum cum veneratione et pace 
mutua prosequentibus nec optare quod expediebat audentibus), and in 
that camp he died (Sueton. , Claud. 1). This camp lay in the heart 
of the barbarian land (Valerius Max. v. 5, 3) and not very far from 
the battlefield of Varus (Tacitus, Ann. ii. 7, where the vetus ara 
Druso sita is certainly to be referred to the place where he died), 



Northern Frontier of Italy. 

[Book VIII. 

before been trodden by a Roman army, in the arms of 
his brother who had hastened thither from Rome, in the 
thirtieth year of his age and in the full consciousness of 
his vigour and of his successes, long and deeply lamented 
by his adherents and the whole people — perhaps to be 
pronounced fortunate, because the gods granted to him to 
depart from life young, and to escape the disillusions and 
embitter ments which tell most painfully on those highest 
in station, while his brilliant and heroic figure continues 
still to live in the remembrance of the world. 

In the course of things, as a whole, the death of the 
continuance of a ^ e g enera, l ma< ^ e — as might be expected — no 
the, war by change. His brother Tiberius arrived early 

Tiberius. ° . J 

enough not merely to close his eyes, but also 
with his firm hand to bring the army back and to carry on 
the conquest of Germany. He commanded there during 
g 7 the two following years ( 746, 747 ), in the 

course of which there were no conflicts on a 
larger scale, but the Roman troops showed themselves far 
and wide between the Rhine and Elbe, and when Tibe- 
rius made the demand that all the countries should for- 
mally acknowledge the Roman rule, and at the same 
time declared that he could only accept that acknowledg- 
ment from all the cantons simultaneously, they complied 
without exception ; last of all the Sugambri, for whom 
indeed there was no real peace. What progress in a mili- 
tary point of view had been made, is shown by the expedi- 
tion, falling a little later, of Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus. 

we may be allowed to seek it in the region of the Weser. The dead 
body was then conveyed to the winter-camp (Dio, lv. 2) and there 
burnt ; this spot was regarded, according to Roman usage, also as 
the place of burial, although the depositing of the ashes took place 
in Rome, and to this is to be referred the honorarius tumulus with 
the annual obsequies (Sueton. I. c). Probably we have to seek for 
this place at Vetera. When a later author (Eutropius, vii. 13) speaks 
of the monumentum of Drusus at Mentz, this is doubtless not the 
tomb, but the elsewhere mentioned Tropaeum (Floras, ii. 30 : 
Marcomanorum spoliis et insignibus quendam editum tumulum in 
tropaei modum excoluit). 

Chap. I.] 

Northern Frontier of Italy. 


The latter was able, as governor of Illyricum, probably 
from Vindelicia as a basis, to assign to a restless horde of 
Hermunduri settlements in the land of the Marcomani 
itself ; and on this expedition he reached as far as, 
and beyond, the upper Elbe, without meeting with resist- 
ance. 1 The Marcomani in Bohemia were completely iso- 
lated, and the rest of Germany between the Rhine and 
Elbe was a Roman province — though still by no means 
reduced to tranquillity. 

Of the military-political organisation of Germany, as at 
that time planned, we have but a very imper- 

Camp on the r J x 

left bank of the f ect knowledge, because, on the one hand, 
there is an utter want of accurate information 
as to the arrangements made in earlier times to protect 
the Gallic eastern frontier, and, on the other hand, those 
made by the two brothers were in great part destroyed 
by the subsequent development of affairs. There was no 
attempt to move the Roman frontier-guard away from the 
Rhine ; to this matters might perhaps come, but they had 
not yet done so. Just as was the case in Illyricum at that 
time with the Danube, the Elbe was doubtless the political 
boundary of the empire, but the Rhine was the line of 
frontier-defence, and from the camps on the Rhine the con- 
nections in rear ran to the great towns of Gaul and to its 
ports. 2 The great headquarters during these campaigns 

1 What we learn from Dio, lv. 10, partly confirmed by Tacitus, 
Ann. iv. 44, cannot be apprehended otherwise. Noricum and Rae- 
tia must have been put under this governor as an exceptional meas- 
ure, or the course of operations induced him to pass beyond the 
limit of his governorship. The assumption that he marched through 
Bohemia itself, which would involve still greater difficulties, is not 
required by the narrative. 

2 To a connection in rear of the camp on the Rhine with the port 
of Boulogne we might perhaps take the much disputed notice of 
Florus, ii. 30, to refer : Bonnam (or Bormam) et Oessoriacum ponti- 
bus iunxit classibusque firmavit, with which is to be compared the 
mention by the same author of forts on the Maas. Bonn may rea- 
sonably have been at that time the station of the Rhine-fleet ; Bou- 
logne was in later times still a fleet-station. Drusus might well have 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII 

was what was afterwards named the " Old Camp," Castra 
Vetera ( Birten near Xanten ), the first considerable height 
below Bonn on the left bank of the Rhine, from a military 
point of view corresponding nearly to the modern 'Wesel on 
the right. This place, occupied perhaps since the begin- 
ning of the Koman rule on the Rhine, had been instituted 
by Augustus as a stronghold for curbing Germany ; and, if 
the fortress was at all times the basis for the Roman defen- 
sive on the left bank of the Rhine, it was not less well chosen 
for the invasion of the right, situated, as it was, opposite to 
the mouth of the Lippe which was navigable far up, and 
connected with the right bank by a strong bridge. The 
counterpart to this " Old Camp," at the mouth of the 
Lippe was probably formed by that at the mouth of the 
Main, Mogontiacum, the modern Mentz, to all appearance 
a creation of Drusus ; at least the already mentioned ces- 
sions of territory imposed on the Chatti, as well as the con- 
structions in the Taunus, to be mentioned further on, show 
that Drusus clearly perceived the military importance of 
the line of the Main, and thus also that of its key on the 
left bank of the Rhine. If the legionary camp on the Aar 
was, as it would seem, instituted to keep the Raeti and 
Vindelici to their obedience (p. 21), it may be presumed to 
have been laid out about this time; but then it had merely 
an outward connection with the Gallico-German military 
arrangements. The legionary camp at Strassburg hardly 
reaches back to so early a time. The line from Mentz to 
Wesel formed the basis of the Roman military dispositions. 
That Drusus and Tiberius had — apart from the Narbonese 
province which was then no longer imperial — the gover- 
norship of all Gaul as well as the command of all the 
Rhenish legions, is an ascertained point ; apart from these 
princes, the civil administration of Gaul may at that time 
perhaps have been separated from the command of the 

occasion to make the shortest and safest land-route between the two 
stations for the fleet available for transport, though the writer, proba- 
bly bent on striking effect, awakens by his pointed mode of expres- 
sion conceptions which cannot be in that form correct. 

Chap. I.] Northern Frontier of Italy. 


troops on the Rhine, but scarcely was the latter thus early 
divided into two co-ordinate commands. 1 

Correlative to these military arrangements on the left 
bank of the Khine were those adopted on the 

Positions on. 

the right bank right. In the first place the Eomans took pos- 
session of the right bank itself. This step 
affected above all the Sugambri, in whose case certainly 
retaliation for the captured eagle and the crucified centu- 
rians contributed to it. The envoys sent to declare their 
submission, the most eminent men of the nation, were, at 
variance with the law of nations, treated as prisoners of 
war, and perished miserably in the Italian fortresses. Of 
the mass of the people, 40,000 were removed from their 
homes and settled on the shores of Gaul, where they sub- 
sequently, perhaps, meet us under the name of the Cu- 
gerni. Only a small and harmless remnant of the power- 
ful tribe was allowed to remain in their old abodes. 
Suebian bands were also transferred to Gaul, other tribes 
were pushed farther into the interior, such as the Marsi 
and doubtless also the Chatti ; on the middle Rhine the 
native population of the right bank was everywhere dis- 
lodged or at any rate weakened. Along this bank of the 
Rhine, moreover, fortified posts, fifty in number, were 
instituted. In front of Mogontiacum the territory taken 
from the Chatti, thenceforth the canton of the Mattiaci in 
what is now Wiesbaden, was brought within the Roman 

1 As to tlie administrative partition of Gaul there is, apart from 
the separation of the Narbonensis, an utter absence of accounts, be- 
cause it rested only on imperial ordinances, and nothing in reference 
to it came into the records of the senate. But the first information 
of the existence of separate Upper and Lower German commands is 
furnished by the campaigns of Germanicus, and the battle of Varus 
can hardly be understood under that assumption ; here, doubtless, 
the Mberna inferiora appear, viz. that of Vetera (Velleius, ii. 
120 ), and the counterpart to it, the superiora, can only have been 
formed by that of Mentz ; but this was not under a colleague of 
Varus, but under his nephew, who was thus subordinate to him 
in command. Probably the partition only took place, in consequence 
Df the defeat, in the last years of Augustus. 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

lines, and the height of Taunus strongly fortified. 1 But 
above all the line of the Lippe was taken possession of 
from Vetera ; of the two military roads furnished at in- 
tervals of a day's march with forts, on the two banks of 
the river, the one on the right bank at least is as certainly 
the work of Drusus as the fortress of Aliso in the district 
of the sources of the Lippe, probably the present village 
of Elsen, not far from Paderborn, 2 is attested to have been 
so. Moreover, there was the already mentioned canal 
from the mouth of the Ehine to the Zuider See, and a 

1 The praesidium constructed by Drusus in raonte Tauno (Taci- 
tus, Ann. i. 56), and the <ppovpiov £v Xdrrois trap' avrcp Toi? 'Vr\vcp asso- 
ciated with Aliso (Dio, liv. 33), are probably identical, and the spe- 
cial position of the canton of the Mattiaci is evidently connected 
with the construction of Mogontiacum. 

3 That the "fort at the confluence of the Lupias and the Heli- 
son," in Dio, liv. 33, is identical with the oftener mentioned Aliso, 
and this must be sought on the upper Lippe, is subject to no doubt ; 
and that the Roman winter-camp at the sources of the Lippe {ad 
caput Lupiae, Velleius, ii. 205), the only one of the kind, so far as 
we know, on German ground, is to be sought just there, is at least 
very probable. That the two Roman roads running along the Lippe, 
and their fortified places of bivouac, led at least as far as the region 
of Lippstadt, the researches of Holzermann in particular have shown. 
The upper Lippe has only one confluent of note, the Alme, and as 
the village of Elsen lies not far from where the Alme falls into the 
Lippe, some weight may be here assigned to the similarity of name. 
To the view, supported among others by Schmidt, which places 
Aliso at the confluence of the Glenne (and Liese) with the Lippe, 
the chief objection is that the camp ad caput Lupiae must then have 
been different from Aliso, and in general this point lies too far from 
the line of the Weser, while from Elsen the route leads directly 
through the Doren defile into the Werra valley. Schmidt, who 
does not adhere to the identification of Aliso and Elsen, remarks 
generally (Westfdlische Zeitschrift fur OescJi. und Alterthumskunde, 
xx. p. 259), that the heights of Weser (not far from Elsen), and gen- 
erally the left margin of the valley of the Alme, are the centre of a 
semicircle formed by the mountains in front, and this high-lying, 
dry region, allowing an exact look-out as far as the mountains, 
which covers the whole country of the Lippe and is itself covered in 
front by the Alme, is well adapted for the starting-point of a march 
towards the Weser. 

Chap. I.] - Northern Frontier of Italy. 


dyke drawn by Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus through the 
marshy flat country between the Ems and the lower Rhine 
— the so-called " long bridges." Besides, there were de- 
tached Roman posts scattered through the whole region ; 
such are subsequently mentioned among the Frisians and 
the Chauci, and in this sense it may be correct that the 
Roman garrisons reached as far as the Weser and the 
Elbe. Lastly, the army encamped in winter, no doubt, 
on the Rhine ; but in summer, even though no expeditions 
properly so called were undertaken, uniformly in the con- 
quered country, as a rule near Aliso. 

The Romans, however, did not make mere military 
. . arrangements in the newly acquired domain. 

Organisation ° J x 

of the province The Germans were urged, like other provin- 
cials, to have law administered to them by 
the Roman governor, and the summer expeditions of 
the general gradually developed into the usual judicial 
circuits of the governor. The accusation and defence of 
the accused took place in the Latin language ; the Roman 
advocates and legal assessors began, on the right as on the 
left side of the Rhine, their operations, sorely felt every- 
where, but here deeply exasperating to the barbarians, 
who were unaccustomed to such things. Much was lack- 
ing to the full carrying out of the provincial organisation ; 
a formal assessment of taxation, a regulated levy for the 
Roman army, were not yet thought of. But as the new 
cantonal union had just been instituted in Gaul in connec- 
tion with the divine adoration of the monarch there intro- 
duced, a similar arrangement was made also in the new 
Germany. When Drusus consecrated for Gaul the altar 
of Augustus at Lyons, the Germans last settled on the left' 
bank of the Rhine, the Ubii, were not received into this 
union ; but in their chief place, which, as regards position, 
was for Germany nearly what Lyons was for the three 
Gauls, a similar altar for the Germanic cantons was erected, 
the priesthood of which was, in the year 9, administered 
by the young Cheruscan prince Segimundus, son of 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII 

Political differences, however, in the imperial family 
broke down or interrupted the full military 
TfSriS e from success. The discord between Tiberius and 
mand hief ° om n ^ s stepfather led to the former resigning the 
6 - command in the beginning of 748. The dy- 

nastic interest did not allow comprehensive military opera- 
tions to be entrusted to other generals than princes of the 
imperial house ; and after the death of Agrippa and Drusus, 
and the retirement of Tiberius, there were no able generals 
in that house. Certainly in the ten years, when governors 
with the ordinary powers bore sway in Illyricum and in 
Germany, the military operations there may not have 
undergone so complete an interruption as they appear to 
us to have done, seeing that tradition, with its courtly 
colouring, does not in its report deal out equal measure to 
campaigns conducted by, and to those conducted without, 
princes ; but the arrest laid on them was unmistakable, 
and this itself was a retrogression. Ahenobarbus, who, in 
consequence of his alliance by marriage with the imperial 
house — his wife was the daughter of a sister of Augustus 
— had greater freedom of action than other officers, and 
who in his Ulyrian governorship had crossed the Elbe 
without encountering resistance, afterwards as governor 
of Germany reaped no laurels there. Not merely the 
exasperation, but the courage also, of the Germans was 
again rising, and in the year 2 the country appears again 
in revolt, the Cherusci and the Chauci under arms. Mean- 
while at the imperial court death had interposed, and the 
removal of the young sons of Augustus had reconciled the 
latter and Tiberius. 

Scarcely was this reconciliation sealed by his adop- 

T - b • s ce ^ on as a son anc ^ P roc ^ a i me( ^ W> when Tiberius 
more com- resumed the work where it had been broken 

mander in chief . -, ,-, . -i • ji j 

on, and once more m this and m the two 
following summers (5-6) led the armies over the Khine. 
It was a repetition of, and an advance upon, the earlier 
campaigns. The Cherusci were brought back to alle- 
giance in the first campaign, the Chauci in the second \ 

Chap. I.] Northern Frontier of Italy. 


the Cannenefates, adjoining the Batavi, and not inferior in 
bravery, the Bructeri, settled in the region of the sources 
of the Lippe and on the Ems, and various other cantons 
submitted, as did also the powerful Langobardi, here first 
mentioned, dwelling at that time between the Weser and 
Elbe. The first campaign led over the "Weser into the in- 
terior ; in the second at the Elbe itself the Koman legions 
confronted the Germanic general levy on the other bank. 
From the year 4 to 5 the Roman army took up, appar- 
ently for the first time, its winter quarters on German 
soil at Aliso. All this was attained without any consider- 
able conflicts ; the circumspect conduct of the war did not 
break resistance, but made it impossible. This general 
aimed, not at unfruitful laurels, but at lasting success. 
The naval expedition, too, was repeated ; like the first 
campaign of Drusus, the last of Tiberius was distin- 
guished by the navigating of the North Sea. But the 
Roman fleet this time advanced farther ; the whole coast 
of the North Sea, as far as the promontory of the Cim- 
bri, that is, the extremity of Jutland, was explored by it, 
and it then, sailing up the Elbe, joined the land-army 
stationed on the latter. The emperor had expressly for- 
bidden the crossing of the river ; but the tribes beyond 
the Elbe — the Cimbri just named, in what is now Jut- 
land, the Charudes to the south of them, the powerful 
Semnones between the Elbe and the Oder — were brought 
at least into relation to the new neighbours. 

It might have been thought that the goal was reached. 

But one thing was still wanting to the estab- 
against lishment of the iron ring which was to sur- 

Maroboduus. roun( j the Great Germany ; it was the estab- 
lishment of a connection between the middle Danube 
and the upper Elbe — the occupation of the old home of 
the Boii, which with its mountain- cincture planted itself 
like a gigantic fortress between Noricum and Germany. 
The King Maroboduus, of noble Marcomanian lineage, 
but in his youth by prolonged residence in Rome intro- 
duced to its firmer military and political organisation, 

42 Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

had after his return home — perhaps during the first cam- 
paign of Drusus and the transmigration, thereby brought 
about, of the Marcomani from the Main to the upper Elbe 
— not merely raised himself to be prince of his people, but 
had also moulded his rule not after the loose fashion of 
the Germanic kings, but, one might say, after the model 
of the Augustan. Besides his own people, he ruled over 
the powerful tribe of the Lugii (in what is now Silesia), 
and the body of his clients must have extended over the 
whole region of the Elbe, as the Langobardi and the 
Semnones are described as subject to him. Hitherto he 
had observed entire neutrality in presence of the other 
Germans as of the Eomans. He gave perhaps to the 
fugitive enemies of the Eomans an asylum in his coun- 
try, but he did not actively mingle in the strife, not even 
when the Hermanduri had settlements assigned to them 
by the Koman governor on Marcomanian territory (p. 35), 
and when the left bank of the Elbe became subject to the 
Komans. He did not submit to them, but he bore all 
these occurrences without interrupting, on that account, 
his friendly relations with the Romans. By this certainly 
not magnanimous and scarce even so much as prudent 
policy, he had gained this much, that he was the last to 
be attacked ; after the completely successful Germanic 
campaigns in the years 4 and 5 his turn came. . From two 
sides — from Germany and Noricum — the Roman armies 
advanced against the Bohemian mountain-circle ; Gaius 
Sentius Saturninus, advanced up the Main, clearing the 
dense forests from Spessart to the Fichtelgebirge with 
axe and fire ; while Tiberius in person, starting from 
Carnuntum, where the Ulyrian legions had encamped 
during the winter of the years 5-6, advanced against 
the Marcomani. The two armies, amounting together 
to twelve legions, were even in number so superior as 
almost to double that of their opponents, whose fighting- 
force was estimated at 70,000 infantry and 4,000 horse- 
men. The cautious strategy of the generals seemed on 
this occasion also to have quite ensured success, when a 

Chap. I.] Northern Frontier of Italy. 


sudden incident interrupted the farther advance of the 

The Dalmatian tribes and the Pannonians, at least of the 
region of the Save, for a short time obeyed 
pannonian the Eoman governors ; but they bore the new 
insurrection. ru j e with, an ever increasing grudge, above all 
on account of the taxes, to which they were unaccustomed, 
and which were relentlessly exacted. When Tiberius sub- 
sequently asked one of the leaders as to the grounds of 
the revolt, he answered that it had taken place because 
the Komans set not dogs and shepherds, but wolves, to 
guard their flocks. Now the legions from Dalmatia were 
brought to the Danube, and the men capable of arms were 
called out, in order to be sent thither to reinforce the 
armies. These troops made a beginning, and took up 
arms not for, but against, Kome. Their leader was one 
of the Daesitiatae (around Serajevo), Bato. The example 
was followed by the Pannonians, under the leadership of 
two Breuci, another Bato and Pinnes. All Illyricum rose 
with unheard of rapidity and unanimity. The number of 
the insurgent forces was estimated at 200,000 infantry and 
9,000 horsemen. The levy for the auxiliary troops, which 
had taken place more especially among the Pannonians to 
a considerable extent, had diffused more widely a knowl- 
edge of Roman warfare, along with the Koman language 
and even Roman culture. Those who had served as Ro- 
man soldiers formed now the nucleus of the insurrection. 1 
The Roman citizens settled or sojourning in large num- 
ber in the insurgent regions, the merchants, and above all, 
the soldiers, were everywhere seized and slain. The inde- 
pendent tribes, as well as those of the provinces, entered 

1 This and not more is what Velleius says (ii. 110): in omiribits 
Pannoniis non disciplinae (— military training) tantu?nmodo, sed 
linguae quoque notitia Bomanae, plerisque etiam litterarum usus et 
familiaris animorum erat exercitatio. These are the same phenom- 
ena as are met with in the case of the Cheruscan princes, only in 
increased measure ; and they are quite intelligible when we hear in 
mind the Pannonian and Breucian cdae and colwrtes raised by Au- 

44 Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

into the movement. The princes of the Thracians, en- 
tirely devoted to the Romans, certainly brought their con- 
siderable and brave bands to the aid of the Roman gen- 
erals ; but from the other bank of the Danube the Dacians, 
and with them the Sarmatae, broke into Moesia. The 
whole wide region of the Danube seemed to have con- 
spired to put an abrupt end to the foreign rule. 

The insurgents were not disposed to await attack, but 
planned an invasion of Macedonia, and even of Italy. The 
danger was serious ; the insurgents might, by crossing the 
Julian Alps, stand in a few days once more before Aquileia 
and Tergeste — they had not yet forgotten the way thither 
— and in ten days before Rome, as the emperor himself 
expressed it in the senate, to make sure at all events of its 
assent to the comprehensive and urgent military prepara- 
tions. In the utmost haste new forces were raised, and 
the towns more immediately threatened were provided with 
garrisons ; in like manner whatever troops could be dis- 
pensed with were despatched to the threatened points. 
The first to arrive at the spot was the governor of Moesia, 
Aulus Caecina Severus, and with him the Thracian king 
Rhoemetalces ; soon other troops followed from the trans- 
marine provinces. But above all Tiberius was obliged, 
instead of penetrating into Bohemia, to return to Illyri- 
cum. Had the insurgents waited till the Romans were 
engaged in the struggle with Maroboduus, or had the lat- 
ter made common cause with them, the position might 
have been a very critical one for the Romans. But the 
former broke ground too early, and the latter, faithful to 
his system of neutrality, condescended just at this time 
to conclude peace with the Romans on the basis of the 
status quo. Thus Tiberius had, no doubt, to send back 
the Rhine-legions, because Germany could not possibly be 
denuded of troops, but he could unite his Illyrian army 
with the troops arriving from Moesia, Italy, and Syria, and 
employ it against the insurgents. In fact the alarm was 
greater than the danger. The Dalmatians, indeed, broke 
repeatedly into Macedonia and pillaged the coast as far as 

Chap. I.] Northern Frontier of Italy. 


Apollonia ; but there was no invasion of Italy, and the fire 
was soon confined to its original hearth. 

Nevertheless, the work of the war was not easy ; here, 
as everywhere, the renewed overthrow of the subjects was 
more laborious than the subjugation itself. Never in the 
Augustan period had such a body of troops been united 
under the same command ; already in the first year of the 
war the army of Tiberius consisted of ten legions along 
with the corresponding auxiliary forces, and in addition 
numerous veterans who had again joined of their own ac- 
cord and other volunteers, together about 120,000 men ; 
later he had fifteen legions united under his banners. 1 In 
the first campaign (6 a.d.) the contest was waged with very 
varying fortune ; the large places, like Siscia and Sirmium, 
were successfully protected against the insurgents, but the 
Dalmatian Boto fought as obstinately and in part success- 
fully against the governor of Pannonia, Marcus Valerius 
Messalla, the orator's son, as his Pannonian namesake 
against Aulus Caecina governor of Moesia. The petty 
warfare above all gave much trouble to the Roman troops. 
Nor did the following year (7), in which along with Tibe- 
rius his nephew the young Germanicus appeared on the 
scene of war, put an end to the ceaseless conflicts. It was 
not till the third campaign (8) that the Romans succeeded 
in subduing in the first instance the Pannonians, chiefly, 

1 If we assume that of the twelve legions who were on the march 
against Maroboduus (Tacitus, Ann. ii, 46), as many as we find soon 
after in Germany, that is, five, went to form the army there, the 
Illyrian army of Tiberius numbered seven, and the number of ten 
( Velleius, ii. 113) may fairly be referred to the contingents from 
Moesia and Italy, that of fifteen to the contingents from Egypt or 
Syria, and to the further levies in Italy, whence the newly raised 
legions went no doubt to Germany, but those thereby relieved went 
to the army of Tiberius. Velleius (ii. 112) speaks inaccurately, at 
the very beginning of the war, of five legions brought up by A. 
Caecina and Plautius Silvanus ex transmarinis provinciis ; firstly, 
the transmarine troops could not be at once on the spot, and sec- 
ondly, the legions of Caecina were of course the Moesian. Comp. 
my commentary on the Mon. Ancyr. 2d ed. p. 71. 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

as it would seem, through, the circumstance that their 
leader, gained over by the Komans, induced his troops all 
and sundry to lay down their arms at the river Bathinus, 
and surrendered his colleague in the supreme command, 
Pinnes, to the Romans, for which he was recognised by 
them as prince of the Breuci. Punishment indeed soon 
befell the traitor ; his Dalmatian namesake caught him 
and had him executed, and once more the revolt blazed 
up among the Breuci ; but it was speedily extinguished 
again, and the Dalmatian was confined to the defence of 
his own home. There Germanicus and other leaders of 
division had in this, as in the following year (9), to sus- 
tain vehement conflicts in the several cantons ; in the lat- 
ter year the Pirustae (on the borders of Epirus) and the 
canton to which the leader himself belonged, the Daesi- 
tiatae, were subdued, one bravely defended stronghold be- 
ing reduced after another. Once more in the course of 
the summer Tiberius himself took the field, and set in 
motion all his fighting force against the remains of the 
insurrection. Even Bato, shut up by the Roman army in 
the strong Andetrium (Much, above Salonae), his last place 
of refuge, gave up the cause as lost. He left the town, 
when he could not induce the desperadoes to submit, and 
yielded himself to the victor, with whom he found hon- 
ourable treatment ; he was relegated as a political pris- 
oner to Ravenna, where he died. Without their leader 
the troops still for a time continued the vain struggle, till 
the Romans captured the fort by assault — it is probably 
this day, the 3d August, that is recorded in the Roman 
calendar as the anniversary of the victory achieved by 
Tiberius in Illyricum. 

Retribution fell also on the Dacians beyond the Dan- 
ube. Probably at this time, after the Illyrian 
Lentu"ul ar ° f war was decided m favour of Rome, Gnaeus 
Lentulus led a strong Roman army across the 
Danube, reached as far as the Marisus (Marosch) and 
emphatically defeated them in their own country, which 
was then for the first time trodden by a Roman army. 

Chap. I.] Northern Frontier of Italy. 


Fifty thousand captive Dacians were made to settle in 

Men of later times termed the " Batonian war " of the 
years 6-9 the most severe which Rome had to sustain 
against an external foe since that of Hannibal. It inflicted 
severe wounds on the Illyrian land ; in Italy the joy over 
the victory was boundless when the young Germani- 
cus brought the news of the decisive success to the capi- 
tal. The exultation did not last long ; almost simulta- 
neously with the news of this success there came to Rome 
accounts of a defeat, such as reached the ears of Augustus 
but once in his reign of fifty years — a defeat which was 
still more significant in its consequences than in itself. 

The state of things in the province of Germany has been 
already set forth. The recoil which follows 
rising!* 110 on any foreign rule with the inevitableness of 
a natural event, and which had just set in in 
the Illyrian land, was in preparation also among the can- 
tons of the middle Rhine. The remnants of the tribes 
settled immediately on the Rhine were indeed quite dis- 
couraged ; but those dwelling farther back, especially the 
Cherusci, Chatti, Bructeri, Marsi, were less injuriously 
affected and by no means powerless. As always in such 
cases, there was formed in every canton a party of the 
compliant friends of the Romans, and a national party pre- 
paring in secret a renewed rising. The soul of the latter 
was a young man of twenty-six years, of the Cheruscan 
princely house, Arminius son of Sigimer ; he and his 
brother Flavus had received from the emperor Augustus 
the gifts of Roman citizenship and of equestrian rank, 1 and 
both had fought with distinction as officers in the last Ro- 

1 Velleius (ii. 118) says so; adsiduus mUitiae nostrae prioris comes, 
iure etiam cwitatis Romanae eius equestres consequens gradus ; which 
coincides with the ductor popularium of Tacitus, Ann. ii. 10. Such 
officers must have been of no infrequent occurrence at this time ; 
thus, there fought in the third campaign of Drusus inter primores 
Chumstinctus et Avectiustribuni ex cwitate Nerviorum (Li v. Bp. 141), 
and under Germanicus Chariovalda dux Batavoram (Tac. Ann. ii. 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book vin. 

man campaigns under Tiberius ; the brother was still 
serving in the Eoman army and had established a home 
for himself in Italy. Naturally Arminius also was re- 
garded by the Eoman s as a man specially to be trusted ; 
the accusations, which his better informed countryman 
Segestes brought forward against him, availed not to 
shake this confidence in view of the well-known hostility 
subsisting between the two. Of the further preparations 
we have no knowledge ; that the nobility and especially 
the noble youth took the side of the patriots, was a matter 
of course, and found clear expression in the fact that Se- 
gestes's own daughter, Thusnelda, in spite of the prohibi- 
tion of her father, married Arminius, while her brother 
Segimundus and Segestes's brother Segimer, as well as 
his nephew Sesithacus, played a prominent part in the in- 
surrection. It had not a wide range, far less than that of 
the Illyrian rising ; it can scarcely in strictness be called 
a Germanic revolt ; the Batavi, the Frisii, the Chauci on 
the coast took no part in it, as little such of the Suebian 
tribes as were under Eoman rule, still less king Maro- 
boduus ; in reality only those Germans rose who had some 
years previously leagued themselves against Borne, and 
against whom the offensive of Drusus was primarily di- 
rected. The Illyrian rising doubtless promoted the fer- 
ment in Germany, but there is no trace of any thread of 
connection between the two similar and almost contempo- 
rary insurrections ; had such a connection subsisted the 
Germans would hardly have waited to strike till the Pan- 
nonian rising had been overpowered and the very last 
strongholds in Dalmatia were surrendering. Arminius 
was the brave and shrewd, and above all things fortunate, 
leader in the conflict of despair over the lost national inde- 
pendence — nothing less, but also nothing more. 

It was more ihe fault of the Bomans than the merit of 
the insurgents, if the plan of the latter suc- 
ceeded. So far, certainly, the Illyrian war 
had an effect on Germany. The able generals, and to all 
appearance also the experienced troops, were drawn from 

Chap. I.] 

Northern Frontier of Italy. 


the Rhine to the Danube. The Germanic army was appar- 
ently not diminished, but the greatest part of it consisted 
of new legions formed during the war. Still worse was 
its position as to leaders. The governor, Publius Quinc- 
tilius Varus, 1 was, no doubt, the husband of a niece of the 
emperor, and a man of ill-acquired, but princely, wealth 
and of princely arrogance, but inert in body and obtuse 
in mind, and without any military gifts or experience — • 
one of those many Eomans in high station who, in conse- 
quence of an adherence to the old mixture of administra- 
tive functions with those of higher command, wore the 
general's scarf after the model of Cicero. He knew not 
how to spare nor yet to see through the new subjects ; 
oppression and exaction were practised, as had been the 
wont of his earlier governorship over the patient Syria ; 
the headquarters swarmed with advocates and clients ; 
and in grateful humility the conspirators especially re- 
ceived judgment and justice at his hands, while the net 
was being drawn more and more closely around the arro- 
gant praetor. 

The position of the army was what was then the normal 
one. There were at least five legions in the province, two of 
which had their winter-quarters at Mogontiacum, three in 
Vetera or else in Aliso. The latter had taken up their sum- 
mer encampment in the year 9 on the Weser. The natural 
route of communication from the upper Lippe to the Weser 
leads over the low chain of heights of the Osning and of 
the Lippe Forest, which separates the valley of the Ems 
from that of the Weser, though the Doren defile into the 
valley of the Werra, which falls into the Weser at Rehme, 
not far from Minden. Here therefore, approximately, the 

1 The effigy of Varus is shown on a copper coin of the African 
town Achulla, struck under his proconsulate of Africa in the year 
747-8, B.C. 7-6 (L. Miiller, Num. de Vancienne Afrique, ii. p. 44, 
comp. p. 52). The base which once supported the statue erected to 
him by the town of Pergamus has again been brought to light by the 
excavations there ; the subscription runs : 6 drj/xos [irlfiriaev] u6tt- 
Kiov KoiVKTiKiov 2e£Tou vihv Ovdp [oj/J irdaris dpe-ri^s eVe/ca]. 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

legions of Varus at that time were encamped. As a matter 
of course this summer camp was connected with Aliso, the 
base of the Koman position on the right bank of the Khine, 
by a road supplied with depots. The good season of the 
year came to its close, and they were making ready for the 
return march, when the news came that a neighbouring 
canton was in revolt ; and Varus resolved, instead of lead- 
ing back the army by that depot-route, to take a circuit 
and by the way to bring back the rebels to allegiance. 1 So 
they set out ; the army consisted, after numerous detach- 
ments, of three legions and nine divisions of troops of the 
second class, together about 20,000 men. 2 When the army 
had removed to a sufficient distance from its line of com- 
munication, and penetrated far enough into the pathless 
country, the confederates in the neighbouring cantons rose, 

1 The report of Dio, the only one which hands down to us a some- 
what connected view of this catastrophe, explains the course of it 
sufficiently, if we only take further into account — what Dio certainly 
does not bring into prominence — the general relation of the summer 
and winter camps, and thereby answer the question justly put by 
Ranke ( WeltgescJiicJite, iii. 2, 275), how the whole army could have 
marched against a local insurrection. The narrative of Floras by no 
means rests on sources originally different, as that scholar assumes, 
but simply on the dramatic accumulation of motives for action, such 
as is characteristic of all historians of this type. The peaceful dis- 
pensing of justice by Varus and the storming of the camp are both 
known to the better tradition, and that in their causal connection. The 
ridiculous representation of the Germans breaking in at all the gates 
into the camp, while Varus is sitting on the judgment-seat and the 
herald is summoning the parties before him, is not tradition, but a 
picture manufactured from it. That this is in utter antagonism to 
the description by Tacitus of the three bivouacs, as well as to sound 
reason, is obvious. 

2 The normal strength of the three alae and the six coliortes is not 
to be calculated exactly, inasmuch as among them there may have 
been double divisions (miliariae) ; but the army cannot have num- 
bered much over 20,000 men. On the other hand, there appears no rea- 
son for assuming a material difference of the effective strength from 
the normal. The numerous detachments which are mentioned (Dio, 
lvi. 19) serve to account for the comparatively small number of the 
auxilia, which were always by preference employed for this duty. 

Chap. I.] 

Northern Frontier of Italy. 


cut down the small divisions of troops stationed among 
them, and broke forth on all sides from the denies and 
woods against the army of Varus on its march. Arminius 
and the most notable leaders of the patriots had remained 
to the last moment at the Eoman headquarters to make 
Varus secure. On the very evening before the day on 
which the insurrection burst forth they had supped in the 
general's tent with Varus ; and Segestes, when announcing 
the impending outbreak of the revolt, had adjured the 
general to order the immediate arrest of himself as well as 
of the accused, and to await the justification of his charge 
by the facts. The confidence of Varus was not to be shaken. 
Arminius rode away from table to the insurgents, and was 
next day before the ramparts of the Eoman camp. The 
military situation was neither better nor worse than that of 
the army of Drusus before the battle at Arbalo, and than 
had, under similar circumstances, often been the plight of 
Roman armies. The communications were for the moment 
lost ; the army, encumbered with heavy baggage in a path- 
less country and at a bad rainy season in autumn, was sep- 
arated by several days' march from Aliso ; the assailants 
were beyond doubt far superior in number to the Romans. 
In such cases it is the solid quality of the troops that is de- 
cisive ; and, if the decision here for once was unfavourable 
to the Romans, the result was doubtless mostly due to the 
inexperience of the young soldiers, and especially to the 
want of head and of courage in the general. After the at- 
tack took place the Roman army continued its march, now 
beyond doubt in the direction of Aliso, amidst constantly 
increasing pressure and increasing demoralisation. Even 
the higher officers failed in part to do their duty ; one of 
them rode away from the field of battle with all the cavalry, 
and left the infantry to sustain the conflict alone. The 
first to despair utterly was the general himself ; wounded 
in the struggle, he put himself to death before the matter 
was finally decided, so early indeed, that his followers still 
made an attempt to burn the dead body and to withdraw 
it from being dishonoured by the enemy. A number of 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

the superior officers followed his example. Then, when all 
was lost, the leader that was left surrendered, and thereby 
put out of his own power what remained open to these last 
— an honourable soldier's death. Thus perished the Ger- 
manic army in one of the valleys of the mountain-range that 
bounds the region of Minister, in the autumn of the year 
9 a.d. J The eagles fell — all three of them — into the enmey's 

1 As Germanicus, coming from the Ems, lays waste the territory 
between the Ems and Lippe, that is, the region of Miinster, and not 
far from it lies the Teutoburgiensis saltus, where Varus's army per- 
ished (Tacitus, Ann. 1. 61), it is most natural to understand this de- 
scription, which does not suit the flat Miinster region, of the range 
bounding the Miinster region on the north-east, the Osning ; but it 
may also be deemed applicable to the Wiehen mountains somewhat 
farther to the north, parallel with the Osning, and stretching from 
Minden to the source of the Hunte. We do not know at what point 
on the Weser the summer camp stood ; but in accordance with the 
position of Aliso near Paderborn, and with the connections subsist- 
ing between this and the Weser, it was probably somewhere near 
Minden. The direction of the march on the return may have been 
any other excepting only the nearest way to Aliso ; and the catas- 
trophe consequently occurred not on the military line of communi- 
cation between Minden and Paderborn itself, but at a greater or less 
distance from it. Varus may have marched from Minden somewhat 
in the direction of Osnabriick, then after the attack have attempted 
from thence to reach Paderborn, and have met with his end on this 
march in one of those two ranges of hills. For centuries there have 
been found in the district of Venne at the source of the Hunte a 
surprisingly large number of Roman gold, silver, and copper coins, 
such as circulated in the time of Augustus, while later coins hardly 
occur there at all (comp. the proofs in Paul Hof er, der Feldzug des Ger- 
manicus im Jalire 16, Gotha, 1884, p. 82, f.). The coins thus found 
cannot belong to one store of coins on account of their scattered oc- 
currence and of the difference of metals, nor yet to a seat of traffic on 
account of their proximity a3 regards time ; they look quite like the 
leavings of a great extirpated army, and the accounts before us as to 
the battle of Varus may be reconciled with this locality. As to the 
year of the catastrophe there should never have been any dispute ; 
the shifting of it to the year 10 is a mere mistake. The season of the 
year is in some measure determined by the fact that between the ar- 
rangement to celebrate the Illyrian victory and the arrival of the un- 
fortunate news in Rome there lay only five days, and that arrange- 
ment probably had in view the victory of 3d Aug., though it did not 

Chap. I.] Northern Frontier of Italy. 


hand. Not a division cut its way through, not even those 
horsemen who had left their comrades in the lurch ; only 
a few who were isolated and dispersed were able to effect 
their escape. The captives, especially the officers and the 
advocates, were fastened to the cross, or buried alive, or 
bled under the sacrificial knife of the German priests. The 
heads cut off were nailed as a token of victory to the trees 
of the sacred grove. Far and wide the land rose against 
the foreign rule ; it was hoped that Maroboduus would join 
the movement ; the Roman posts and roads on the whole 
right bank of the Rhine fell without further trouble into 
the power of the victors. Only in Aliso, the brave com- 
mandant Lucius Caedicius, not an officer, but a veteran 
soldier, offered a resolute resistance, and his archers were 
enabled to make the encampment before the walls so annoy- 
ing to the Germans, who possessed no weapons for distant 
fighting, that they converted the siege into a blockade. 
When the last stores of the besieged were exhausted, and 
still no relief came, Caedicius broke up one dark night ; 
and this remnant of the army, though burdened with nu- 
merous women and children, and suffering severe losses 
through the assaults of the Germans, in reality ultimately 
reached the camp at Vetera. Thither also the two legions 
stationed in Mentz under Lucius Nonius Asprenas had 
gone on the news of the disaster. The resolute defence of 
Aliso, and the rapid intervention of Asprenas, hindered 
the Germans from following up the victory on the left bank 
of the Rhine, and perhaps the Gauls from rising against 

The defeat was soon compensated, in so far as the Rhine 
army was immediately not simply made up to 
on b thl U Rhine n ^ s strength, but considerably reinforced. Ti- 
berius once more took up the supreme com- 
mand, and though for the year following on the battle of 

immediately follow on the latter. Accordingly the defeat must have 
taken place somewhere in September or October, which also accords 
with the circumstance that the last march of Varus was evidently the 
march back from the summer to the winter camp. 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

Varus (10) the history of the war had no combats to record, 
it is probable that arrangements were then made for the 
occupation of the Rhine-frontier by eight legions, and 
simultaneously for the division of this command into that 
of the upper army, with Mentz as its headquarters, and that 
of the lower with the headquarters at Vetera, an arrange- 
ment, as a whole, which thereupon remained normal for 
centuries. It could not but be expected that this increase 
of the army of the Rhine would be followed by the ener- 
getic resumption of operations on the right bank. The 
Romano-German conflict was not a conflict between two 
powers equal in the political balance, in which the defeat 
of the one might justify the conclusion of an unfavourable 
peace ; it was the conflict of a great civilised and organised 
state against a brave but, in a political and military aspect, 
barbarous nation, in which the ultimate result was settled 
from the first, and an isolated failure in the plan as sketch- 
ed might as little produce any change as the ship gives up 
its voyage because a gust of wind drives it out of its course. 
But it was otherwise. Tiberius, doubtless, went across 
the Rhine in the following year (11), but this expedition 
did not resemble the former one. He remained during the 
summer on that side, and celebrated the emperor's birth- 
day there, but the army kept to the immediate neighbour- 
hood of the Rhine, and of expeditions on the Weser and on 
the Elbe there was nothing said. Evidently the object was 
only to show to the Germans that the Romans still knew 
how to find the way into their country, and perhaps also 
to make such arrangements on the right bank of the Rhine 
as the change of policy required. 

The great command embracing both armies was re- 
tained, and retained accordingly in the im- 
on™e n Ehine. perial house. Germanicus had already exer- 
cised it in the year 11 along with Tiberius ; 
in the following year (12), when the administration of the 
consulate detained him in Rome, Tiberius commanded 
alone on the Rhine ; with the beginning of the year 13 
Germanicus took up the sole command. The state of 

Chap. L] Northern Frontier of Italy. 


things was regarded as one of war witli the Germans ; but 
these were years of inaction. 1 The fiery and ambitious 
hereditary prince bore with reluctance the constraint im- 
posed on him, and we can understand how, as an officer, 
he should not forget the three eagles in the hands of the 
enemy, and how, as the son of Drusus, he should wish to 
re-erect his structure that had been destroyed. Soon the 
opportunity presented itself, and he took it. On the 19th 
August of the year 14, the emperor Augustus died. 
The first change in the throne of the new monarchy did 
not pass over without a crisis, and Germanicus had oppor- 
tunity of proving by deeds to his father that he was dis- 
posed to maintain allegiance to him. But at the same 
time he found in it warrant for resuming, even unbidden, 
the long-wished-for invasion of Germany ; he declared 
that he had by this fresh campaign to repress the not in- 
considerable ferment that had been called forth among the 
legions upon the change of sovereign. Whether this was 
a real reason or a pretext we know not, and perhaps he 
did not himself know. The commandant of the Khine 
army could not be debarred from crossing the frontier 
anywhere, and it always to a certain degree depended on 
himself how far he should proceed against the Germans. 
Perhaps too, he believed that he was acting in the spirit 

1 Tacitus, Ann. 1. 9, and Dio, lvi. 26, attest the continuance of 
the state of war ; but nothing at all is reported from the nominal 
campaigns of the summers of 12, 13, and 14, and the expedition of 
the autumn of 14 appears as the first undertaken by Germanicus. 
]t is true that Germanicus had been proclaimed as Imperator prob- 
ably even in the lifetime of Augustus (Mbn. Ancyr. p. 17) ; but 
there is nothing to hinder our referring this to the campaign of the 
year 11, in which Germanicus commanded with proconsular power 
alongside of Tiberius (Dio, lvi. 25). In the year 12 he was in Rome 
for the administration of the consulate, which he retained through- 
out the year, and which was still at that time treated in earnest ; 
this explains why Tiberius, as has now been proved (Hermann 
Schulz, Quaest. Odidianae, Greifswald, 1883, p. 15), still went to Ger- 
many in the year 12, and resigned his Rhenish command only at 
the beginning of the year 13, on the celebration of the Pannonian 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

of the new ruler, who had at least as much claim as his 
brother to the name of conqueror of Germany, and whose 
announced appearance in the camp on the Rhine might, 
doubtless, be conceived of, as though he were coming to 
resume the conquest of Germany broken off at the bidding 
of Augustus. 

However this may be, the offensive beyond the Rhine 
began anew. Even in the autumn of the 
Renewed offen- year 14? Germanicus in person led detach- 
ments of all the legions at Vetera over the 
Rhine, and penetrated up the Lippe pretty far into the in- 
terior, laying waste the country far and wide, putting to 
death the natives, and destroying the temples, such as that 
of Tanfana held in high honour. Those assailed — chiefly 
Bructeri, Tubantes, and Usipes, — sought to prepare the 
fate of Varus for the crown-prince on his way home ; but 
the attack recoiled before the energetic bearing of the le- 
gions. As this advance met with no censure, but on the 
contrary, thanks and marks of honour were decreed to 
the general for it, he went farther. In the opening of the 
year 15 he assembled his main force, in the first instance 
on the middle Rhine, and advanced in person from Mentz 
against the Chatti as far as the upper confluents of the 
Weser, while the lower army, farther to the north, at- 
tacked the Cherusci and the Marsi. There was a certain 
justification for this proceeding in the fact that the Che- 
rusci favourably disposed towards Rome, who had, under 
the immediate impression of the disaster of Varus been 
obliged to join the patriots, were now again at open 
variance with the much stronger national party, and in- 
voked the intervention of Germanicus. In reality he was 
successful in liberating Segestes, the friend of the Romans, 
when hard pressed by his countrymen, and at the same 
time in getting possession of his daughter, the wife of 
Arminius. Segestes' brother Segimerus, once the leader 
of the patriots by the side of Arminius, submitted. The 
internal dissensions of the Germans once more paved the 
way for the foreign rule. In the very same year German- 

CiiAr. 1] 

Northern Frontier of Italy. 


icus undertook his main expedition to the region of the 
Ems ; Caecina marched from Vetera to the upper Ems, 
while he in person went thither with the fleet from the 
mouth of the Khine ; the cavalry moved along the coast 
through the territory of the faithful Frisians. When re- 
united the Komans laid waste the country of the Bructeri 
and the whole territory between the Ems and Lippe, and 
thence made an expedition to the disastrous spot where, 
six years before, the army of Varus had perished, to erect 
a monument to their fallen comrades. On their farther 
advance the Eoman cavalry were allured by Arminius and 
the exasperated hosts of the patriots into an ambush, and 
would have been destroyed had not the infantry come up 
and prevented greater mischief. More serious dangers 
attended the return homeward from the Ems, which fol- 
lowed at first the same routes as the march thither. 

The cavalry arrived at the winter camp uninjured. See- 
ing that the fleet was not sufficient for convey- 
caecina° f ^ ne m f an try of four legions, owing to the 

difficulty of navigation — it was about the time 
of the autumnal equinox — Germanicus disembarked two 
of them and made them return along the shore ; but in- 
adequately acquainted with the ebbing and flowing of the 
tide at this season of the year, they lost their baggage and 
ran the risk of being drowned en masse. The retreat of 
the four legions of Caecina from the Ems to the Khine 
resembled exactly that of Varus ; indeed, the difficult, 
marshy country offered perhaps still greater difficulties 
than the defiles of the wooded hills. The whole mass of 
natives, with the two princes of the Cherusci, Arminius 
and his highly esteemed uncle Inguiomerus, at their head, 
threw themselves on the retreating troops in the sure hope 
of preparing for them the same fate, and filled the mo- 
rasses and woods all around. But the old general, experi- 
enced in forty years' of war service, remained cool even in 
the utmost peril, and kept his despairing and famishing 
men firmly in hand. Yet even he might not perhaps have 
been able to avert the mischief but for the circumstance 


Northern Frontier of Italy. 

[Book VIII. 

that, after a successful attack during the march, in which 
the Romans lost a great part of their cavalry and almost 
the whole baggage, the Germans, sure of victory and eager 
for spoil, in opposition to Arminius' advice, followed the 
other leader, and instead of further surrounding the en- 
emy, attempted directly to storm the camp. Caecina 
allowed the Germans to come up to the ramparts, but 
then burst forth from all the doors and gates with such 
vehemence upon the assailants that they suffered a severe 
defeat, and in consequence of it the further retreat took 
place without material hindrance. Those at the Rhine 
had already given up the army as lost, and were on the 
point of casting off the bridge at Vetera, to prevent the 
Germans at least from penetrating into Gaul ; it was only 
the resolute remonstrance of a woman, the wife of Ger- 
manicus and daughter of Agrippa, which frustrated the 
desperate and disgraceful resolve. 

The resumption of the subjugation of Germany thus 
began not quite successfully. The territory between the 
Rhine and Weser had indeed been again trodden and 
traversed, but the Romans had no decisive results to 
show, and the enormous loss in material, particularly in 
horses, was sorely felt, so that, as in the times of Scipio, 
the towns of Italy and of the western provinces took part 
in patriotic contributions to make up for what was lost. 
For the next campaign (16) Germanicus changed his 

plan of warfare. He attempted the subjuga- 
SiTyea?^ tion of Germany on the basis of the North 

Sea and the fleet, partly because the tribes on 
the coast, the Batavi, Frisians, and Chauci, adhered more 
or less to the Romans, partly in order to shorten the 
marches — in which much time was spent and much loss 
incurred — from the Rhine to the Weser and Elbe and 
back again. After he had employed this spring, like the 
previous one, for rapid advances on the Main and on the 
Lippe, he, in the beginning of summer, embarked his 
whole army at the mouth of the Rhine in the powerful 
transport-fleet of 1,000 sail which had meanwhile been 

Ciiap. I.] Northern Frontier of Italy. 


made ready, and arrived in reality without loss at the 
mouth of the Ems, where the fleet remained. Thence he 
advanced, as may be conjectured, up the Ems as far as 
the mouth of the Haase, and then along the latter as far 
up as the Werra-valley, and through this to the Weser. 
By this means the carrying of the army, 80,000 strong, 
through the Teutoburg Forest, which was attended with 
great difficulties, particularly as to provisions, was avoided. 
A secure reserve for supplies was furnished in the camp 
beside the fleet, and the Cherusci on the right bank of 
the Weser were assailed in flank instead of in front. Here 
the Romans encountered the levy en masse of the Ger- 
mans, again led by the two chiefs of the patriot party, 
Arminius and Inguiomerus. What warlike resources were 
at their disposal is shown by the fact that on two occa- 
sions, one shortly after the other, in the Cheruscan coun- 
try — first on the Weser itself and then somewhat farther 
inland 1 — they fought in the open field against the whole 
Roman army, and in both hardly contested the victory. 
The latter certainly fell to the Romans, and of the Ger- 
man patriots a considerable number were left on the fields 
of battle. No prisoners were taken, and both sides fought 
with extreme exasperation. The second tropaeum of 
Germanicus spoke of the overthrow of all the Germanic 
tribes between the Rhine and Elbe ; the son placed this 
campaign of his alongside of the brilliant campaigns of 
his father, and reported to Rome that in the next cam- 
paign he should have the subjugation of Germany com- 
plete. But Arminius escaped, although wounded, and 
continued still at the head of the patriots ; and an unfore- 
seen mischief marred the success won by arms. On the 

lr The hypothesis of Schmidt ( Westfdl. Zeitsclirift, xx. p. 301)— that 
the first battle was fought on the Idistavisian field somewhere near 
Biickeburg, and the second, on account of the morasses mentioned 
on the occasion, perhaps on the Steinhudersee, near the village of 
Bergkirchen, which lies to the south of this — will not be far re- 
moved from the truth, and may at least help us to realise the mat- 
ter. In this, as in most of the accounts of battles by Tacitus, we 
must despair of reaching an assured result. 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

return home, which the greater part of the legions made 
by sea, the transport-fleet encountered the autumn storms 
of the North Sea. The vessels were dashed on all sides 
upon the islands of the North Sea, and as far as the Brit- 
ish coasts. A great portion were destroyed, and those 
that escaped had for the most part to throw horses and 
baggage overboard, and to be glad of saving their bare 
life. The loss of vessels was, as in the times of the Punic 
war, equivalent to a defeat. Germanicus himself, cast 
adrift alone with the admiral's ship on the desolate shore 
of the Chauci, was in despair at this misfortune, and on 
the point of seeking his death in that ocean the assistance 
of which he had at the beginning of this campaign invoked 
so earnestly and so vainly. Doubtless afterwards the loss 
of men proved not to be quite so great as it had at first 
appeared, and some effective blows which the general, on 
his return to the Khine, inflicted on the nearest barba- 
rians, raised the sunken courage of the troops. But, taken 
as a whole, the campaign of the year 16, as compared with 
that of the preceding year, ended in more brilliant victo- 
ries doubtless, but also in much more serious loss. 

The recall of Germanicus was at the same time the 

abolition of the command-in-chief of the Rhen- 
^tuatian. ed * sn armv - The mere division of the command 

put an end to the conduct of the war as 
heretofore pursued ; the circumstance that Germanicus 
was not merely recalled, but obtained no successor, was 
tantamount to ordaining the defensive on the Rhine. 
Thus the campaign of the year 16 was the last which 
the Romans waged in order to subdue Germany and to 
transfer the boundary of the empire from the Rhine to 
the Elbe. That this was the aim of the campaigns of Ger- 
manicus is shown by their very course, and by the trophy 
that celebrated the frontier of the Elbe. The re-establish- 
ment, too, of the military works on the right bank of the 
Rhine, of the forts of the Taunus, as well as of the strong- 
hold of Aliso and the line connecting it with Vetera, be- 
longed only in part to such an occupation of the right 

Chap. I.] Northern Frontier of Italy. 


bank as was in keeping with the restricted plan of opera- 
tions after the battle of Varus; - in fact it had a far wider 
scope. But the designs of the general were not, or not 
quite, those of the emperor. It is more than probable 
that Tiberius from the outset allowed rather than sanc- 
tioned the enterprises of Germanicus on the Rhine, and it 
is certain that he wished to put an end to them by recall- 
ing him in the winter of 16-17. Beyond doubt, at the 
same time, a good part of what had been attained was 
given up, and in particular the garrison was withdrawn 
from Aliso. As Germanicus, even in the following year, 
found not a stone left of the memorial of victory erected 
in the Teutoburg Forest, so the results of his victories dis- 
appeared like a flash of lightning into the water, and none 
of his successors continued the building on this basis. 

If Augustus gave up the conquered Germany as lost 
after the battle of Varus, and if Tiberius now, 
the change of when the conquest had once more been taken 
in hand, ordered it to be broken off, we are 
well entitled to ask, What motives guided the two notable 
rulers in this course, and what was the significance of these 
important events for the general policy of the empire ? 

The battle of Varus is an enigma, not in a military but 
in a political point of view — not in its course, but in its 
consequences. Augustus was not wrong when he de- 
manded back his lost legions, not from the enemy nor 
from fate, but from the general ; it was a disaster such as 
unskilled leaders of division from time to time bring 
about for every state. We have difficulty in conceiving 
that the destruction of an army of 20,000 men without 
further direct military consequences should have given a 
decisive turn to the policy at large of a judiciously gov- 
erned universal empire. And yet the two rulers bore that 
defeat with a patience as unexampled as it was critical and 
hazardous for the position of the government in relation 
to the army and to its neighbours ; they allowed the con- 
clusion of peace with Maroboduus, which, beyond doubt, 
was meant to be in strictness a mere armistice, to become 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

withal definitive, and made no further attempt to get the 
upper valley of the Elbe into their hands. It must have 
been no easy thing for Tiberius to see the collapse of the 
great structure begun in concert with his brother, and 
after the latter's death almost completed by himself ; the 
energetic zeal with which, as soon as he had again entered 
on the government, he took up the Germanic war which 
he had begun ten years ago, enables us to measure what 
this self-denial must have cost him. If, nevertheless, the 
self-denial was persevered in not merely by Augustus, but 
also after his death by Tiberius himself, there is no other 
reason to be found for it than that they recognized the 
plans pursued by them for twenty years for the changing 
of the boundary to the north as incapable of execution, 
and the subjugation and mastery of the region between 
the Rhine and the Elbe appeared to them to transcend the 
resources of the empire. 

If the previous boundary of the empire ran from the 

middle Danube up to its source and to the 
The Elbe fron- U pp er R^ra^ and thence down that river, it 

was, at all events, materially shortened and 
improved by being shifted to the Elbe, which in its head- 
waters approaches the middle Danube, and to its course 
throughout ; in which case, probably, besides the evident 
military gain, there came into view also the political con- 
sideration that the keeping of the great commands as far as 
possible remote from Eome and Italy was one of the lead- 
ing maxims of the Augustan policy, and an army of the 
Elbe would hardly have played such a part in the further 
development of Eome as the armies of the Rhine but too 
soon undertook. The preliminary conditions to this end, 
the overthrow of the Germanic patriot-party and of the 
Suebian king in Bohemia, were no easy tasks ; neverthe- 
less they had already once stood on the verge of succeed- 
ing, and with a right conduct of the war these results 
could not fail to be reached. But it was another question 
whether, after the institution of the Elbe frontier, the 
troops could be withdrawn from the intervening region ; 

Chap. I.] Northern Frontier of Italy. 


this question had been raised in a very serious way for tho 
Koman government by the Dalmato-Pannonian war. If 
the mere impending movement of the Roman Danube- 
army into Bohemia had called forth a popular rising in 
Illyricum, that was only put down by the exertion of all 
their military resources after a four years' conflict, this 
wide region might not be left to itself either at the time 
or for many years to come. Similar, doubtless, was the 
state of the case on the Rhine. The Roman public was 
wont, indeed, to boast that the state held all Gaul in sub- 
jection by means of the garrison at Lyons 1,200 strong ; 
but the government could not forget that the two great 
armies on the Rhine not merely warded off the Germans, 
but also had a very material bearing on the Gallic cantons 
that were not at all distinguished by submissiveness. Sta- 
tioned on the "Weser or even on the Elbe, they would not 
have rendered this service in equal measure ; and to keep 
both the Rhine and the Elbe occupied was beyond their 

Thus Augustus might well come to the conclusion that 
with the strength of the army as it then stood 
d<?nment aban " — considerably increased indeed of late, but 
still far below the measure of what was really 
requisite — that great regulation of the frontier was not 
practicable ; the question was thus converted from a mili- 
tary one into one of internal policy, and especially into 
one of finance. Neither Augustus nor Tiberius ventured 
to increase still further the expense of the army. "We may 
blame them for not doing so. The paralysing double 
blow of the Illyrian and the Germanic insurrections with 
their grave disasters, the great age and the enfeebled 
vigour of the ruler, the increasing disinclination of Tiber- 
ius for initiating any fresh and great undertaking, and 
above all any deviation from the policy of Augustus, doubt- 
less co-operated to induce this result, and did so, perhaps, 
to the injury of the state. By the demeanour of German- 
icus, not to be approved but easily to be explained, we 
perceive how keenly the soldiers and the youth felt the 

64 Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

abandonment of the new province of Germany. In the 
poor attempt to retain, at least nominally, the lost Ger- 
many with the help of the two German cantons on the left 
of the Rhine, and in the ambiguous and uncertain words 
with which Augustus himself in his account of the case 
lays or forgoes claim to Germany as Roman, we discern 
how perplexed was the attitude of the government towards 
public opinion in this matter. The grasping at the fron- 
tier of the Elbe was a mighty, perhaps a too bold stroke, 
undertaken possibly by Augustus — who did not generally 
soar so high — only after years of hesitation, and doubtless 
not without the determining influence of the younger step- 
son who was in closest 'intercourse with him. But to 
retrace too bold a step is, as a rule, not a mending of the 
mistake, but a second mistake. The monarchy had need 
of warlike honour unstained and of unconditional warlike 
success, in quite another way than the former burgomas- 
ter-government ; the absence of the numbers 17, 18, and 
19 — never filled up since the battle of Varus — in the roll 
of regiments, was little in keeping with military prestige, 
and the peace with Maroboduus, on the basis of the status 
quo, could not be construed by the most loyal rhetoric into 
a success. The assumption that Germanicus began those 
far-reaching enterprises in opposition to the strict orders 
of his government is forbidden by his whole political posi- 
tion ; but the reproach that he made use of his double 
position, as supreme commander of the first army of the 
Rhine and as future successor to the throne, in order to 
carry out at his own hand his politico-military plans, is 
one from which he can as little be exempted as the emperor 
from the no less grave reproach of having started back per- 
haps from the forming, or perhaps only from the clear ex- 
pression and the sharp execution, of his own resolves. If 
Tiberius at least allowed the resumption of the offensive, 
he must have felt how much was to be said for a more 
vigorous policy ; he may perhaps, as over-considerate 
people do, have left the decision, so to speak, to destiny, 
till at length the repeated and severe misfortunes of the 

Chap. L] Northern Frontier of Italy. 


crown-prince once more justified the policy of despair. It 
was not easy for the government to bid an army halt which 
had brought back two of the three lost eagles ; but it was 
done. Whatever may have been the real and the per- 
sonal motives, we stand here at a turning-point in national 
destinies. History, too, has its flow and its ebb ; here, after 
the tide of Roman sway over the world has attained its 
height, the ebb sets in. Northward of Italy the Roman 
rule had for a few years reached as far as the Elbe ; since 
the battle of Varus its bounds were the Rhine and the 
Danube. A legend — but an old one — relates that the first 
conqueror of Germany, Drusus, on his last campaign at 
the Elbe, saw a vision of a gigantic female figure of Ger- 
manic mould, that called to him in his own language the 
word "Back!" The word was not spoken, but it was 

Nevertheless the defeat of the Augustan policy, as the 
peace with Maroboduus and the sufferance of 


against the Teutoburg disaster may well be termed, 
was hardly a victory of the Germans. After 
the battle with Varus the hope must doubtless have passed 
through the minds of the best, that a certain union of the 
nation would accrue from the glorious victory of the Che- 
rusci and their allies, and from the retiring of the enemy 
in the west as in the south. Perhaps in these very crises 
the feeling of unity may have dawned on the Saxons and 
Suebians formerly confronting each other as strangers. 
The fact that the Saxons sent from the battle-field the head 
of Varus* to the king of the Suebians, may be nothing but 
the savage expression of the thought that the hour had 
come for all Germans to throw themselves in joint onset 
upon the Roman empire, and thus to secure the frontier 
and the freedom of their land, as they could alone be se- 
cured, by striking down the hereditary foe in his own 
home. But the cultured man and the politic king accept- 
ed the gift of the insurgents only in order to forward the 
head to the emperor Augustus for burial ; he did nothing 
for, but also nothing against, the Romans, and persevered 

66 Northern Frontier of Italy . [Book VIII. 

unshaken in his neutrality. Immediately after the death 
of Augustus there were fears at Rome of the Marcomani 
invading Raetia, but apparently without cause ; and when 
Germanicus thereupon resumed the offensive against the 
Germans from the Rhine, the mighty king of the Marco- 
mani looked on inactive. This policy of finesse or of cow- 
ardice dug its own grave amidst a Germanic world fiercely 
excited, and drunk with patriotic successes and hopes. 
The more remote Suebian tribes but loosely connected 
with the empire, the Semnones, Langobardi, and Gothones, 
declared off from the king, and made common cause with 
the Saxon patriots ; it is not improbable that the consid- 
erable forces, which were evidently at the disposal of Ar- 
minius and Inguiomerus in the conflicts with Germanicus, 
flowed to them in great part from these quarters. 

Soon afterwards, when the Roman attack was sud- 
denly broken off, the patriots turned (17) to 
boduus. Maro assail Maroboduus, perhaps to assail the kingly 
office in general, at least as the latter adminis- 
tered it on the Roman model. 1 But even among them- 
selves divisions had set in ; the two nearly related Cherus- 
can princes, who in the last struggles had led the patriots, 
if not victoriously, at any rate bravely and honourably, and 
had hitherto constantly fought shoulder to shoulder, no 
longer stood together in this war. The uncle Inguiomerus 
no longer tolerated his being second to his nephew, and at 
the outbreak of the war passed to the side of Marobodu- 
us. Thus matters came to a decisive battle between Ger- 
mans and Germans, nay, between the same tribes ; for 
Suebi as well as Cherusci fought in both armies. Long 
the conflict wavered ; both armies had learned from the 
Roman tactics, and on both sides the passion and the ex- 

1 The statement of Tacitus {Ann. ii. 45), that this was properly a 
war of the republicans against the monarchists, is probably not free 
from a wish to transfer Hellenico-Ronian views to the very differ- 
ent Germanic world. So far as the war had an ethico-political ten- 
dency, it would be called forth not by the nomen regis, as Tacitus 
says, but by the cerium imperium tuque regia of Velleius (ii. 108). 

Chap. I.] Northern Frontier of Italy. 


asperation were alike. Arminius did not achieve a victory 
properly so called, but his antagonist left to him the field 
of battle ; and, as Maroboduus seemed to have fared the 
worst, those who had hitherto adhered to him left him, 
and he found himself confined to his own kingdom. When 
he asked for Koman aid against his overpowerful country- 
men, Tiberius reminded him of his attitude after the bat- 
tle of Varus, and replied that now the Komans in turn 
would remain neutral. His fate was rapidly decided. In 
the very following year (18) he was surprised in his royal 
abode itself by a prince of the Gothones, Catualda, to 
whom he had formerly given personal offence, and who 
had thereupon revolted from him with the other non-Bo- 
hemian Suebi ; and, abandoned by his own people, he with 
difficulty made his escape to the Romans, who granted to 
him the asylum which he sought — he died many years 
afterwards, as a Roman pensioner, at Ravenna. 

Thus the opponents as well as the rivals of Arminius 

had become refugees, and the Germanic na- 
Smfnius. ti° n l°°ked to none else than to him. But 

this greatness was his danger and his de- 
struction. His own countrymen, especially his own clan, 
accused him of going the way of Maroboduus and of 
desiring to be not merely the first, but also the lord and 
the king of the Germans — whether with reason or not, 
and whether, if he wished this, he did not perhaps wish 
what was right, who can say ? The result was a civil war 
between him and these representatives of popular free- 
dom ; two years after the banishment of Maroboduus he 
too, like Caesar, fell by the dagger of nobles of republi- 
can sentiments near to his person. His wife Thusnelda 
and his son born in captivity, Thumelicus, on whom he 
had never set eyes, marched at the triumph of Germani- 
cus (26th May, 17) among the other Germans of rank, in 
chains to the Capitol ; the old Segestes was for his fidelity 
to the Romans provided with a place of honour, whence 
he might look on at the public entry of his daughter and 
his grandson. They all died within the Roman empire ; 


Northern Frontier of Italy. [Book VIII. 

with Maroboduus the wife and son of his antagonist met 
in the exile of Ravenna. When Tiberius remarked at the 
recall of Germanicus that there was no need to wage w$r 
against the Germans, and that they would of themselves 
take care to do what was requisite for Rome, he knew his 
adversaries ; in this, at all events, history has pronounced 
him right. But to the high-spirited man who, at the age 
of six-and-twenty, had released his Saxon home from the 
Italian foreign rule, who thereafter had been general as 
well as soldier in a seven years' struggle for that freedom 
regained, who had staked not merely person and life, but 
also wife and child for his nation, to fall at the age of 
thirty-seven by an assassin's hand — to this man his people 
gave, what it was in their power to give, an eternal monu- 
ment in heroic song. 



The accidents of external policy caused the Komans to 
establish themselves on the Pyrenaean penin- 
the conquertf su ^ a earlier than in any other part of the trans- 
marine mainland, and to institute there two 
standing commands. There, too, the republic had not, 
as in Gaul and Illyricum, confined itself to subduing the 
coasts of the Italian sea, but had rather from the outset, 
after the precedent of the Barcides, contemplated the con- 
quest of the whole peninsula. With the Lusitanians (in 
Portugal and Estremadura) the Romans had fought from 
the time that they called themselves masters of Spain; 
the "more remote province" had been instituted, strictly 
speaking, against these tribes and simultaneously with the 
"nearer" one; the Callaeci (Gallicia) became subject to 
the Romans a century before the battle of Actium ; shortly 
before that battle the subsequent dictator Caesar had, in 
his first campaign, carried the Roman arms as far as Bri- 
gantium (Corunna), and consolidated afresh the annexation 
of this region to the more remote province. Then, in the 
years between the death of Caesar and the sole rule of 
Augustus, there was unceasing warfare in the north of 
Spain ; no fewer than six governors in this short time won 
triumphs there, and perhaps the subjugation of the north- 
ern slope of the Pyrenees was effected chiefly in this epoch. 1 

1 There triumphed over Spain — apart from the doubtless political 

3fi. triumph of Lepidus — in 718 Cn. Domitius Calvinus 

40, 34. (consul in 714), in 720 C. Norbanus Flaccus (consul in 

38, 34, 29. 716), between 720 and 725 L. Marcius Philippus (con- 

38. sul in 716) and Appius Claudius Pulcher (consul in 

38, 28, 39. 716), in 726 C. Calvisius Sabinus (consul in 715), and 

26, 29. j n 728 Sex. Appuleius (consul in 725). The historians 



[Book VIII. 

The wars with the cognate Aquitanians on the north side 
of the mountains, which fall within the same epoch, and 
27 the last of which was victoriously ended in the 

year 727, must stand in connection with these 
events. On the reorganising of the administrative arrange- 
27 ments in 727 the peninsula went to Augustus, 

because there was a prospect of extensive 
military operations there, and it needed a permanent gar- 
rison. Although the southern third of the more remote 
province, thenceforth named from the river Baetis (Guad- 
alquivir) was soon given back to the government of the 
senate, 1 by far the greater portion of the peninsula remained 
constantly under imperial administration, including the 
greater part of the more remote province, Lusitania and 
Callaecia, 2 and the whole of the large nearer one. Im- 
mediately after the institution of the new supreme control 
Augustus resorted in person to Spain, with a view, in his 

two years' stay (728, 729), to organise the new 

administration, and to direct the occupation 

mention only the victory achieved over the Cerretani (near Puycerda 
in the eastern Pyrenees) by Calvinus (Dio, xlviii. 42 ; comp. Velleius, 
ii. 78, and the coin of Sabinus with Osca, Eckhel, v. 203). 

1 As Augusta Emerita in Lusitania only became a colony in 729 (Dio, 
25 liii. 26), and this cannot well have been left out of ac- 
count in the list of the provinces in which Augustus 

founded colonies (Mori. Ancyr. p. 119, comp. p. 222), the separation of 
Lusitania and Hispania Ulterior must not have taken place till after 
the Cantabrian war. 

2 Callaecia was not merely occupied from the Ulterior province, 
but must still in the earlier time of Augustus have belonged to 
Lusitania, just as Asturias also must have been at first attached to 
this province. Otherwise the narrative in Dio, liv. 5, is not intel- 
ligible ; T. Carisius, the builder of Emerita, is evidently the governor 
of Lusitania, C. Furnius the governor of the Tarraconensis. With 
this agrees the parallel representation in Florus, ii. 33, for the 
Drigaecini of the MSS. are certainly the fiptyaiKivoi, whom Ptolemy, 
ii. 6, 29, adduces among the Asturians. Therefore Agrippa, in his 
measurements, comprehends Lusitania with Asturia and Callaecia 
(Plin. H. N. iv. 22, 118), and Strabo (iii. 4, 20, p, 166) designates the 
Callaeci as formerly termed Lusitani. Variations in the demarcation 
of the Spanish provinces are mentioned by Strabo, iii. 4, 19, p. 166. 

Chap. II.] 



of the portions of the country not yet subject. This he 
did from Tarraco as his headquarters, and it was at that 
time that the seat of government of the nearer province 
was transferred from New Carthage to Tarraco, after which 
town this province is thenceforth usually named. While 
it appeared necessary on the one hand not to remove the 
seat of administration from the coast, the new capital on 
the other hand commanded the region of the Ebro and the 
communications with the north-west and the Pyrenees. 
Against the Astures (in the provinces of Asturias and Leon), 
and above all, the Cantabri (in the Basque country and the 
province of Santander), who obstinately held out in these 
mountains and overran the neighbouring cantons, a war- 
fare attended by difficulties and heavy losses was pro- 
longed — with interruptions, which the Komans called vic- 
tories — for eight years, till at length Agrippa succeeded in 
breaking down the open resistance by destroying the moun- 
tain towns and transplanting their inhabitants to the valleys. 
If, as the emperor Augustus says, from his time the 
coast of the ocean from Cadiz to the mouth of 

Military organ- 
isation in the the Elbe obeyed the Komans, the obedience in 

North-west. J 

this corner of it was far from voluntary and 
little to be trusted. Matters were still apparently far from 
having reached a proper pacification in north-western 
Spain. There is still mention in Nero's time of war-ex- 
peditions against the Asturians. A still clearer tale is told 
by the occupation of the country, as Augustus arranged it. 
Callaecia was separated from Lusitania and united with the 
Tarraconensian province, to concentrate in one hand the 
chief command in northern Spain. Not merely was this 
province then the only one which, without bordering on an 
enemy's country, obtained a legionary military command, 
but no fewer than three legions 1 were directed thither by 

1 These were the Fourth Macedonian, the Sixth Victrix, and the 
Tenth Gemina. The first of these went, in consequence of the 
shifting of quarters of the troops occasioned by the Britannic expe- 
dition of Claudius, to the Rhine. The two others, although in the 
meanwhile employed elsewhere on several occasions, were still, at 



[Book VIII. 

Augustus — two to Asturia, one to Cantabria ; and, in spite 
of the military pressure in Germany and in Illyricum, 
this occupying force was not diminished. The headquar- 
ters were established between the old metropolis of Astu- 
ria, Lancia, and the new Asturica Augusta ( Astorga ) in 
Leon that still at present bears his name. With this 
strong occupation of the north-west is probably connected 
the construction of roads undertaken there to a consider- 
able extent in the earlier imperial period, although we 
are not able to demonstrate the connection in detail, see- 
ing that the allocation of these troops in the Augustan 
age is unknown to us. Thus there was established by 
Augustus and Tiberius for the capital of Collaecia, Bra- 
cara (Braga), a connection with Asturica, that is, with the 
great headquarters, and not less with the neighbouring 
towns to the north, north-east, and south. Tiberius made 
similar constructions in the territory of the Vascones and in 
Cantabria. 1 Gradually the occupying force might be dim- 

the beginning of the reign of Vespasian, stationed in their old garri- 
son-quarters, and with them, instead of the Fourth, the First Adiu- 
trix newly instituted by Galba (Tacitus, Hist. i. 44). All three 
were on occasion of the Batavian war sent to the Rhine, and only 
one returned from it. For in the year 88 there were still several 
legions stationed in Spain (Plin. Paneg. 14; comp. Hermes, iii. 118), 
of which one was certainly the Seventh Gemina already, before the 
year 79, doing garrison-duty in Spain (C. I. L. ii. 2477) ; the second 
must have been one of those three, and was probably the First Adi- 
utrix, as this soon after the year 88 takes part in the Danubian wars 
of Domitian, and is under Trajan stationed in upper Germany, 
which suggests the conjecture that it was one of the several legions 
brought in 88 from Spain to upper Germany, and on this occasion 
came away from Spain. In Lusitania no legions were stationed. 

1 The camp of the Cantabrian legion may have been at the place 
Pisoraca ( Herrera on the Pisuerga, between Palencia and San- 
tander), which alone is named on inscriptions of Tiberius and of 
Nero, and that as starting point of an imperial road (C. J. L. ii. 
4883, 4884), just as the Asturian camp was at Leon. Augustobriga 
also (to the west of Saragossa) and Complutum ( Alcala de Henares 
to the north of Madrid ) must have been centres of imperial roads, 
not on account of their urban importance, but as places of encamp- 
ment for troops. 

Chap. II. ] 



inished, and under Claudius one legion, under Nero a 
second, might be employed elsewhere. But these were 
regarded only as drafted off, and still at the beginning of 
the reign of Vespasian the Spanish garrison had resumed 
its earlier strength ; it was reduced, in the strict sense, 
only by the Flavian emperors, by Vespasian to two, 
by Domitian to one legion. From thence down to the 
time of Diocletian a single legion, the Seventh Gemina, 
and a certain number of auxiliary contingents garrisoned 

No province under the monarchy was less affected by 
outward or by inward wars than this land of the far west. 
While at this epoch the commanderships of the troops 
assumed, as it were, the place of the competing parties, the 
Spanish army played throughout a secondary part in that 
respect ; it was only as helper of his colleague that Galba 
entered into the civil war, and mere accident carried him 
to the first place. The force holding the north-west of the 
Peninsula, which even after its reduction still strikes us 
as comparatively strong, leads us to infer that this region 
had not been completely obedient even in the second and 
third centuries ; but we are unable to state anything defin- 
ite as to the employment of the Spanish legion within the 
province which it held in occupation. The struggle 
against the Cantabrians had been waged with the help of 
vessels of war ; subsequently the Romans had no occasion 
to institute a permanent naval station there. It is not 
till the period after Diocletian that we find the Pyrenaean 
peninsula, like the Italian and the Graeco-Macedonian, 
without a standing garrison. 

That the province of Baetica was, at least after the 
beginning of the second century, visited on 
the U Mo°ors. of various occasions from the opposite coast by 
the Moors — the pirates of Rif — we shall have 
to set forth in detail when we survey the affairs of Africa. 
We may presume that this serves to explain why, although 
in the senatorial provinces elsewhere imperial troops were 
not wont to be stationed, by way of exception Italica (near 



[Book VIII. 

Seville) was provided with a division of the legion of Leon. 1 
But it chiefly devolved on the command stationed in the 
province of Tingi (Tangier) to protect the rich south of 
Spain from these incursions. Still it happened that towns 
like Italica and Singili (not far from Antequera) were 
besieged by the pirates. 

If preparation was anywhere made by the republic 
for the great all-significant work of the im- 
Italian muni- perial period — the Eomanising of the West — 
1 it was in Spain. Peaceful intercourse carried 

forward what the sword had begun ; Eoman silver money 
was paramount in Spain long before it circulated elsewhere 
outside of Italy ; and the mines, the culture of the vine and 
olive, and the relations of traffic produced a constant influx 
of Italian elements to the coast, particularly in the south- 
west. New Carthage, the creation of the Barcides, and 
from its origin down to the Augustan age the capital of 
the Hither province and the first trading port of Spain, 
embraced already in the seventh century a numerous 
Roman population ; Carteia, opposite to the present Gib- 
raltar, founded a generation before the age of the Gracchi, 
was the first transmarine civic community with a popula- 
tion of Roman origin (iii. 14) ; the old and renowned sister- 
town of Carthage, Gades, the modern Cadiz, was the first 
foreign town out of Italy, that adopted Roman law and 
Roman language (iv. 648). While thus along the greatest 
part of the coast of the Mediterranean the old indigenous 
as well as the Phoenician civilisation had already, under 
the republic, conformed to the ways and habits of the rul- 
ing people, in no province under the imperial period was 
Romanising so energetically promoted on the part of the 
ruling power as in Spain. First of all the southern half 
of Baetica, between the Baetis and the Mediterranean, 
obtained, partly already under the republic or through 
Caesar, partly in the years 739 and 740 through Augus- 

1 With this we may connect the fact that the same legion was, 
though only temporarily and with a detachment, on active service 
in Numidia. 

Chap. II.] 



tus, a stately series of communities with full Roman citi- 
15 14 zenship, which here occupy not the coast es- 

pecially, but above all the interior, headed 
by Hispalis (Seville) and Corduba (Cordova) with colonial 
rights, Italica (near Seville) and Gades (Cadiz) with muni- 
cipal rights. In southern Lusitania, too, we meet with a 
series of equally privileged towns, particularly Olisipo 
(Lisbon), Pax Julia (Beja), and the colony of veterans 
founded by Augustus during his abode in Spain and 
made the capital of this province, Emerita (Merida). In 
the Tarraconensis the burgess-towns are found predom- 
inantly on the coast — Carthago Nova, Ilici (Elche), Valentia, 
Dertosa (Tortosa), Tarraco, Barcino (Barcelona) ; in the 
interior only the colony in the Ebro valley, Caesaraugusta 
(Saragossa), is conspicuous. In all Spain under Augustus 
there were numbered fifty communities with full citizen- 
ship ; nearly fifty others had up to this time received 
Latin rights, and stood as to inward organisation on a 
par with the burgess-communities. Among the rest the 
emperor Vespasian likewise introduced the Latin muni- 
cipal organisation on occasion of the general imperial cen- 
sus instituted by him in the year 74. The bestowal of 
burgess-rights was neither then, nor generally in the better 
imperial period, extended much further than it had been 
carried in the time of Augustus ; 1 as to which probably 
the chief regulative consideration was the restricted right 
of levy in regard to those who were citizens of the empire. 
The indigenous population of Spain, which thus be- 
came partly mixed up with Italian settlers, 
t R h°e m iberinl of P artl y led towards Italian habits and lan- 
guage, nowhere emerges so as to be clearly 
recognised in the history of the imperial period. Prob- 
ably that stock, whose remains and whose language main- 
tain their ground up to the present day in the mountains 

1 The expression used by Josephus {contra Ap. ii. 4), that "the 
Iberians were named Romans," can only be referred to the bestowal 
of Latin rights by Vespasian, and is an incorrect statement of one 
who was a stranger. 



[Book VIII. 

of Biscay, Guipuscoa, and Navarre, once filled the whole 
peninsula, as the Berbers filled the region of North Africa. 
Their language, different from the Indo-Germanic, and 
destitute of flexion like that of the Finns and Mongols, 
proves their original independence ; and their most im- 
portant memorials, the coins, in the first century of the 
Roman rule in Spain embrace the peninsula, with the ex- 
ception of the south coast from Cadiz to Granada, where 
the Phoenician language then prevailed, and of the region 
northward of the mouth of the Tagus and westward of the 
sources of the Ebro, which was then probably to a large 
extent practically independent, and certainly was utterly 
uncivilised. In this Iberian territory the south-Spanish 
writing is clearly distinguished from that of the north prov- 
ince ; but not less clearly both are branches of one stock. 
The Phoenician immigration here confined itself to still 
narrower bounds than in Africa, and the Celtic mixture 
does not modify the general uniformity of the national 
development in a way that we can recognise. But the 
conflicts of the Romans with the Iberians belong mainly to 
the republican epoch, and have been formerly described 
(ii. 247 f.). After the already mentioned last passages of 
arms under the first dynasty, the Iberians vanish wholly 
out of sight. To the question, how far they became Ro- 
manised in the imperial period, the information that has 
come to us gives no satisfactory answer. That in the in- 
tercourse with their former masters they would have al- 
ways occasion to make use of the Roman language, needs 
no proof ; but under the influence of Rome the national 
language and the national writing disappear even from 
public use within their own communities. Already in the 
last century of the republic the native coinage, which at 
first was to a large extent allowed, had become in the main 
set aside ; from the imperial period there is no Spanish 
civic coin with other than a Latin legend. 1 

1 Probably the most recent monument of the native language, 
that admits of certainty as to its date, is a coin of Osicerda — which is 
modelled after the denarii with the elephant that were struck by 

Chap. II.] 



Like the Roman dress, the Koman language was largely 
diffused even among those Spaniards who had 

Language. ' 

not Italian burgess-rights, and the government 
favoured the de facto Komanising of the land. 1 When 
Augustus died the Eoman language and habits prevailed 
in Andalusia, Granada, Murcia, Valencia, Catalonia, Ara- 
gon ; and a good part of this is to be accounted for not by 
colonising but by Romanising. By the ordinance of Ves- 
pasian previously mentioned the native language was re- 
stricted de jure to private intercourse. That it held its 
ground in this, is proved by its existence at the present 
day ; what is now confined to the mountains, which neither 
the Goths nor the Arabs ever occupied, must in the 
Eoman period certainly have extended over a great part 
of Spain, especially the north-west. Nevertheless Roman- 
ising certainly set in very much earlier and more strongly 
in Spain than in Africa ; monuments with native writing 
from the imperial period can be pointed to in Africa in 
fair number, hardly at all in Spain ; and the Berber lan- 
guage at present still prevails over half of north Africa, 
the Iberian only in the narrow valleys of the Basques. It 
could not be otherwise, partly because in Spain Roman 

Caesar during the Gallic war — with a Latin and Iberian legend 
(Zobel, Estudio historico de la moneda antigua espanola, ii. 11). 
Among the wholly or partially local inscriptions of Spain several 
more recent may be found ; public sanction is not even probable in 
the case of any of them. 

1 There was a time when the communities of peregrini had to 
solicit from the senate the right to make Latin the language of bus- 
iness ; but for the imperial period this no longer held good. On the 
contrary, at this time probably the converse was of frequent occur- 
rence. For example, the right of coining was allowed on the footing 
that the legend had to be Latin. In like manner public buildings 
erected by non-burgesses were described in Latin ; thus an inscrip- 
tion of Ilipa in Andalusia (G. I. L. ii. 1087) runs : UrcJiail Atitta 
fiilius) Ghilasurgun portas fornic{es) aedificand(a) curcmt de s(ua) 
p(ecunia). That the wearing of the toga was allowed even to non- 
Romans, and was a sign of a loyal disposition, is shown as well by 
Strabo's expression as to the Tarraconensis togata, as by Agricola's 
behaviour in Britain (Tacitus, Agric. 21). 



[Book VIII. 

civilisation emerged much earlier and much more vigor- 
ously than in Africa, partly because the natives had not in 
the former as in the latter the free tribes to fall back upon. 
The native communal constitution of the Iberians was 

not perceptibly to our view differ eut from the 
commSy* Gallic. From the first Spain, like the Celtic 

country on either side of the Alps, was broken 
up into cantonal districts ; the Vaccaei and the Cantabri 
were hardly in any essential respect distinguished from 
the Cenomani of the Transpadana and the Kemi of Bel- 
gica. The fact that on the Spanish coins struck in the 
earlier epoch of the Koman rule it is predominantly not 
the towns that are named, but the cantons, — not Tarraco 
but the Cassetani, not Saguntum but the Arsenses — 
shows, still more clearly than the history of the wars of 
the time, that in Spain too there once subsisted larger 
cantonal unions. But the conquering Bomans did not 
treat these unions everywhere in like fashion. The Trans- 
alpine cantons remained even under Boman rule political 
commonwealths; the Spanish were, like the Cisalpine, 
simply geographical conceptions. As the district of the 
Cenomani is nothing but a collective expression for the 
territories of Brixia, Bergomum, and so forth, so the As- 
turians consist of twenty-two politically independent com- 
munities, which to all appearance do not legally concern 
each other more than the towns of Brixia and Bergomum. 1 
1 These remarkable arrangements are clear, especially from the 
lists of Spanish places in Pliny, and have been well exhibited by 
Detlefsen (PJdlologus, xxxii., 606 f.). The terminology no doubt 
varies. As the designations civitas, populus. gens, belong to the in- 
dependent community, they pertain dejiire to these portions ; thus, 
e.g. there is mention of the X civitates of the Autrigones, of the 
XXII populi of the Asturians, of the gens Zoelarum (G. I. L. ii. 
2633), which is just one of these twenty-two tribes. The remark- 
able document which we possess concerning these Zoelae (G. 1. L. 
ii. 2633) informs us that this gens was again divided into gentilitaies, 
which latter are also themselves called gentes, as this same docu- 
ment and other testimonies {Epli. Ep. ii. p. 243) prove. Civis is 
also found in reference to one of the Cantabrian populi (Eph. Ep. 
ii. p. 243). But even for the larger canton, which indeed was once 

Chap. II.] 



Of these communities the Tarraconensian province num- 
bered in the Augustan age 293, in the middle of the sec- 
ond century 275. Here, therefore, the old canton-unions 
were broken up. This course was hardly determined by 
the consideration that the compactness of the Vettones 
and the Cantabri seemed more hazardous for the unity of 
the empire than that of the Sequani and the Treveri ; the 
distinction doubtless was chiefly based on the diversity of 
the time and of the form of conquest. The region on the 
Guadalquivir became Koman a century and a half earlier 
than the banks of the Loire and the Seine ; the time when 
the foundation of the Sj)anish organisation was laid was 
not so very far from the epoch at which the Samnite con- 
federacy was dissolved. There the spirit of the old repub- 
lic prevailed ; in Gaul the freer and gentler view of Caesar. 
The smaller and powerless districts, which after the disso- 
lution of the unions became the pillars of political unity — 
the small cantons or clans — became changed in course of 
time, here as everywhere into towns. The beginnings of 
urban development, even outside of the communities that 
attained Italian rights, go far back into the republican, 
perhaps into the pre-Boman, time ; subsequently the gen- 
eral bestowal of Latin rights by Vespasian must have made 
this conversion general or very nearly so. 1 In reality there 

the political unit, there are no other designations than these, strictly 
speaking, retrospective and incorrect ; gens in particular is em- 
ployed for it even in the technical style {e.g. G. I. L. ii. 4233 In- 
ter [ cat[ie?is is] ex gente Vaccaeorum). That the commonwealth in 
Spain was based on those small districts, not on the cantons, is clear 
as well from the terminology itself as from the fact that Pliny in 
iii. 3, 18, places overagainst those 293 places the civitates contributae 
aliis ; moreover it is shown by the official at census accipiendos civi- 
tatium XXIII Vasconum et Vardulorum (C. I L. vi. 1463) com- 
pared with the censor civitatis Bemorum foederatae (C. I. L. xi. 
1855, comp. 2G07). 

1 As the Latin communal constitution is unsuited for a commu- 
nity not organised as a town, those Spanish communities, which 
still after Vespasian's time lacked urban organisation, must either 
have been excluded from the bestowal of Latin rights or have had 
special modifications to meet their case. The latter may be regarded 



[Book VIII. 

were among the 293 Augustan communities of the prov- 
ince of Tarraco 114, and among the 275 of the second cen- 
tury only twenty-seven, that were not urban communities. 

Of the position of Spain in the imperial administration 
little is to be said. In the levy the Spanish 
provinces played a prominent part. The le- 
gions doing garrison-duty there were probably from the 
beginning of the principate raised chiefly in the country it- 
self ; when afterwards on the one hand the occupying force 
was diminished, and on the other hand the levy was more 
and more restricted to the garrison-district proper, Bae- 
tica, sharing in this respect the lot of Italy, enjoyed the du- 
bious blessing of being totally excluded from military ser- 
vice. The auxiliary levy, to which especially the districts that 
lagged behind as regards urban development were subjected, 
was carried out on a great scale in Lusitania, Callaecia, 
Asturica, and not less in the whole of northern and inland 
Spain ; Augustus, whose father had formed even his body- 
guard of Spaniards, recruited in none of the territories sub- 
ject to him (setting aside Belgica) so largely as in Spain. 

For the finances of the state this rich country was beyond 
doubt one of the most secure and most productive sources ; 
but we have no detailed information transmitted to us. 

The importance of the traffic of these provinces admits 
of being inferred in some measure from the 
merce. and °° m " careful provision of the government for the 
Spanish roads. Between the Pyrenees and 
Tarraco there have been found Boman milestones even 
from the last times of the republic, such as no other prov- 
ince of the West exhibits. We have already remarked that 

as having more probability. Inscriptions, even of tlie gentes, sub- 
sequent to Vespasian's time, show a Latin form of name, as G. I. L. 
ii. 2633, and Epli. Ep. ii. 322 ; and if isolated ones from this period 
should be found with non-Roman names, it must always be a ques- 
tion whether this is not simply due to actual negligence. Presump- 
tive proofs of non-Roman communal organisation, comparatively 
frequent in the scanty inscriptions that certainly date before Vespa- 
sian (C. /. L. ii. 172, 1953, 2633, 5048), have not been met with by 
me in inscriptions that are certainly subsequent to Vespasian. 

Chap. II.] 



Augustus and Tiberius promoted road-making in Spain 
mainly for military reasons ; but the road formed by 
Augustus at Carthago Nova can only have been con- 
structed on account of traffic, and it was traffic mainly 
that was served by the imperial highway named after 
him, and partly regulated, partly constructed anew by 
him. This road, continuing the Italo-Gallic coast-road and 
crossing the Pyrenees at the Pass of Puycerda, went 
thence to Tarraco, then pretty closely followed the coast 
by way of Valentia as far as the mouth of the Jucar, but 
thence made right across the interior for the valley of the 
Baetis, 1 then ran from the arch of Augustus — which 
marked the boundary of the two provinces, and with 
which a new numbering of the miles began — through the 
province Baetica to the mouth of the river, and thus con- 
nected Home with the ocean. This was certainly the only 
imperial highway in Spain. Afterwards the government 
did not do much for the roads of Spain ; the communes, 
to which these were soon in the main entrusted, appear, 
so far as we see, to have provided everywhere — apart from 
the tableland of the interior — communications to such an 
extent as was required by the state of culture in the prov- 
ince. For, mountainous as Spain is and not without 
steppes and waste land, it is yet one of the most produc- 
tive countries of the earth, both through the abundance 
of the fruits of the soil and through its riches of wine and 
oil and metals. To this were early added manufactures, 
especially in iron wares and in woollen and linen fabrics. 
In the valuations under Augustus no Boman burgess- 
community, Patavium excepted, had such a number of 
rich people to show as the Spanish Gades with its great 
merchants spread throughout the world ; and in keeping 
with this was the refined luxury of manners, the castanet- 
1 The direction of the via Augusta is specified by Strabo (iii. 4, 9, 
p. 160) ; to it belong all the milestones which have that name, as 
well those from the region of Lerida ( C. I. L. ii. 4920-4928) as those 
found between Tarragona and Valencia (ibid. 4949-4954), and lastly, 
the numerous ones ab lano Augusto, qui est ad Baetem, or ab arcu, 
unde incipit Baetica, ad oceanum. 



[Book VIII. 

players who were here at home, and the Gaditanian songs, 
which circulated, like those of Alexandria, among the elegant 
Romans. The nearness of Italy, and the easy and cheap in- 
tercourse by sea, gave at this epoch, especially to the Span- 
ish south and east coasts, the opportunity of bringing their 
rich produce to the first market of the world, and prob- 
ably with no country in the world did Kome pursue so ex- 
tensive and constant a traffic on a great scale as with Spain. 

That Eoman civilisation pervaded Spain earlier and 
more powerfully than any other province, is confirmed by 
evidence on various sides, especially in respect to religion 
and to literature. 

It is true that in the territory that was still at a later 
period Iberian, and remained tolerably free 

Religious rites. . . . T . « . . 

from immigration — m Jjusitama, Callaecia, As- 
turia — the native gods, with their singular names, ending 
mostly in -icus and -ecus, such as Endovellicus, Eaecus, 
Vagodonnaegus, and the like, maintained their ground 
still even under the principate at the old seats. But not 
a single votive stone has been found in all Baetica, which 
might not quite as well have been set up in Italy. And 
the same holds true of Tarraconensis proper, only that 
isolated traces are met with on the upper Douro of the 
worship of Celtic gods. 1 No other province shows an 
equally energetic Komanising in matters of ritual. 

Cicero mentions the Latin poets at Corduba only to 

censure them ; and the Augustan age of liter- 

The Spaniards . D 

in Latin liter- ature was still in the mam the work of Ital- 
ians, though individual provincials helped in 
it, and among others the learned librarian of the emperor, 
the philologue Hyginus, was born as a bondsman in Spain. 
But thenceforward the Spaniards undertook in it almost 
the part, if not of leader, at any rate of schoolmaster. 

1 At Clunia there was found a dedication to the Mothers (G. 1. L. 
ii. 2776) — the only Spanish example of this worship so widely dif- 
fused and so long continuing among the western Celts — at Uxama, 
one set up to the Lugoves (ib. 2818), a deity that recurs among the 
Celts of Aventicum. 

Chap. II.] 



The natives of Corduba, Marcus Porcius Latro, the 
teacher and the model of Ovid, and his countryman and 
friend in youth, Annaeus Seneca, — both only about a 
decade younger than Horace, but for a considerable time 
employed in their native town as teachers of eloquence, 
before they transferred their activity in that character to 
Rome — were the true and proper representatives of the 
school-rhetoric that took the place of the republican free- 
dom and sauciness of speech. Once, when the former 
could not avoid appearing in a real process, he came to a 
stand-still in his address, and only recovered his fluency 
when, to please the famous man, the court was transferred 
from the tribunal to the school-hall. Seneca's son, the 
minister of Nero and the fashionable philosopher of the 
epoch, and his grandson, the poet of the sentimental op- 
position to the principate, Lucanus, have an importance, 
as doubtful in literature as it is indisputable in history, 
which may in a certain sense be put to the account of 
Spain. In the early times of the empire, likewise, two 
other provincials from Baetica, Mela under Claudius, 
Columella under Nero, gained a place among the recog- 
nised didactic authors who cultivated style — the former 
by his short description of the earth, the latter by a thor- 
ough, in part poetical, picture of agriculture. If, in the 
time of Domitian, the poet Canius Eufus from Gades, the 
philosopher Decianus from Emerita, and the orator Vale- 
rius Licinianus from Bilbilis (Calatayud not far from 
Saragossa) are celebrated as literary notabilities by the 
side of Virgil and Catullus and by the side of the three 
stars of Corduba, this is certainly done on the part of one 
likewise a native of Bilbilis, Valerius Martialis, 1 who him- 

1 The choliambics (i. 61) run Nasone Peligni sonant, 
thus : — Duosque Senecas unicumque Lu- 


Verona docti syllabas amat vatis, Facunda loquitur Corduba, 
Marone felix Mantua est, Gaudent iocosae Ganio suo Gades, 

Censetur Apona Livio suo tellus Emerita Deciano meo : 
Stellaque nec Flacco minus, Te, Liciniane, gloriabitur nostra, 

Apollodoro plaudit imbrifer Nilus, Nec me tacebit Bilbilis. 



[Book VIII. 

self yields to none among the poets of this epoch in ele- 
gance and plastic power, or yet in venality and emptiness, 
and we are justified in taking into account withal the fact 
of their being fellow-countrymen ; yet the mere possibil- 
ity of weaving such a garland of poets shows the impor- 
tance of the Spanish element in the literature of the time. 
But the pearl of Spanish-Latin authorship is Marcus Fa- 
bius Quintilianus (35-95) from Calagurris on the Ebro. 
His father had already acted as a teacher of eloquence in 
Eomo ; he himself was brought to Kome by Galba, and 
occupied, especially under Domitian, a distinguished posi- 
tion as tutor of the emperor's nephews. His text-book 
of rhetoric and, in some degree, of the history of Koman 
literature, is one of the most excellent which we possess 
from Roman antiquity, pervaded by fine taste and sure 
judgment, simple in feeling as in presentation, instructive 
without weariness, pleasing without effort, contrasting 
sharply and designedly with the fashionable literature 
that was so rich in phrases and so empty of ideas. It 
was in no small degree due to him that the tendency 
became changed at any rate, if not improved. Subse- 
quently, amidst the general emptiness the influence of 
the Spaniards comes no further into prominence. What 
is, historically, of special moment in their Latin author- 
ship is the complete clinging of these provincials to the 
literary development of the mother-country. Cicero, in- 
deed, scoffs at the clumsiness and the provincialisms of 
the Spanish votaries of poetry ; and even Latro's Latin 
did not meet the approval of the equally genteel and cor- 
rect Roman by birth, Messalla Corvinus. But after the 
Augustan age nothing similar is again heard of. The 
Gallic rhetors, the great African ecclesiastical authors 
have, as Latin writers, retained in some measure a foreign 
complexion ; no one would recognise the Senecas and 
Martial by their manner and style as belonging to one or 
to another land ; in hearty love to his own literature and 
in subtle understanding of it never has any Italian sur- 
passed the teacher of languages from Calagurris. 



Like Spain, southern Gaul had already in the time of the 
republic become a part of the Roman empire, yet neither 
so early nor so completely as the former country. The 
two Spanish provinces were instituted in the age of 
Hannibal, the province Narbo in that of the Gracchi ; and, 
while in the former case Rome took to itself the whole 
Peninsula, in the latter it was not merely content, down 
to the last age of the republic, with the possession of the 
coast, but even of this it directly took only the smaller 
and the more remote half. The republic was not wrong 
in designating what it so possessed as the town-domain of 
Narbo (Narbonne) ; the greater part of the coast, nearly 
from Montpellier to Nice, belonged to the city of Massilia. 
This Greek community was more a state than a city, and 
through its powerful position the equal alliance subsisting 
from of old with Rome obtained a real significance, such 
as had no parallel in any second allied city. It is true, 
nevertheless, that the Romans were for these neighbouring 
Greeks, still more than for the more remote Greeks of the 
East, shield as well as sword. The Massaliots had probably 
the lower Rhone as far up as Avignon in their possession ; 
but the Ligurian and the Celtic cantons of the interior 
were by no means subject to them, and the Roman stand- 
ing camp at Aquae Sextiae (Aix) a day's march to the north 
of Massilia, was, quite in the true and proper sense, insti- 
tuted for the permanent protection of the wealthy Greek 
mercantile city. It was one of the most momentous con- 
sequences of the Roman civil war, that along with the le- 
gitimate republic its most faithful ally, the city of Mas- 


The Gallic Provinces. [Book VIII. 

silia, was politically annihilated, was converted from a state 
sharing rule into a community which continued free of the 
empire and Greek, but preserved its independence and its 
Hellenism in the modest proportions of a provincial middle- 
sized town. In a political aspect there is nothing more to 
be said of Massilia after its capture in the civil war ; the 
town was thenceforth for Gaul only what Neapolis was for 
Italy — the centre of Greek culture and Greek learning. 
Inasmuch as the greater part of the later province of 
Narbo only at that time came under direct Roman admin- 
istration, it is to this epoch in particular that the erection 
of it in a certain measure belongs. 

How the rest of Gaul came into the power of Rome has 
been already narrated (iv. 279 fT.). Before 

Last conflicts * . v ' 

in the three Caesars Gallic war the rule ot the Romans 
extended approximately as far as Toulouse, 
Vienne, and Geneva ; after it, as far as the Rhine through- 
out its course, and the coasts of the Atlantic Ocean on the 
north as on the west. This subjugation, it is true, was 
probably not complete, in the north-west perhaps not 
much less superficial than that of Britain (iv. 342). Yet 
we are informed of supplemental wars, in the main, mere- 
ly as regards the districts of Iberian nationality. To the 
Iberians belonged not merely the southern but also the 
northern slope of the Pyrenees, with the country lying in 
front, Beam, Gascony, and western Languedoc ; 1 and it 
has already been mentioned (p. 69) that when north-west- 

1 The domain of Iberian coins reaches decidedly beyond the Pyr- 
enees, though the interpretation of individual coin-legends, which 
are among others referred to Perpignan and Narbonne, is not cer- 
tain. As all these coinings took place under Roman authorisation, 
this suggests the question whether this portion of the subsequent 
Narbonensis was not at an earlier date — namely before the founding 
iig of Narbo (636 u. c.) — under the governor of Hither 

Spain. There are no Aquitanian coins with Iberian 
legends any more than from north-western Spain, probably because 
the Roman supremacy, under whose protection this coinage grew up, 
did not, so long as the latter lasted, i.e. perhaps up to the Numan- 
tine war, embrace those regions. 

Chap. III. J The Gallic Provinces. 


ern Spain was sustaining the last conflicts with the Ro- 
mans, there was also on the north side of the Pyrenees, 
and beyond doubt in connection therewith, serious fight- 
3g ing, at first on the part of Agrippa in the 

year 716, then on the part of Marcus Valerius 
Messalla, the well-known patron of the Roman poets, who 
2g in the year 726 or 727, and thus nearly at the 

same time with the Cantabrian war, vanquish- 
ed the Aquitanians in a pitched battle in the old Roman 
territory not far from Narbonne. In respect of the Celts 
nothing further is mentioned than that, shortly before the 
battle of Actium, the Morini in Picardy were overthrown ; 
and, although during the twenty years of almost uninter- 
rupted civil war our reporters may have lost sight of the 
comparatively insignificant affairs of Gaul, the silence of 
the list of triumphs — here complete — shows at any rate 
that no further military undertakings of importance took 
place in the land of the Celts during this period. 

Subsequently, during the long reign of Augustus, and 
insurrections am *dst a ^ ^ ne cr i ses — some of them very haz- 
ardous — of the Germanic wars, the Gallic 
provinces remained obedient. No doubt the Roman gov- 
ernment, as well as the Germanic patriot party, as we 
have seen, constantly had it in view that a decisive success 
of the Germans and their advance into Gaul would be fol- 
lowed by a risiog of the Gauls against Rome ; the foreign 
rule cannot therefore at that time have stood by any 
means secure. Matters came to a real insurrection in the 
year 21 under Tiberius. There was formed among the 
Celtic nobility a widely-ramified conspiracy to overthrow 
the Roman government. It broke out prema- 
' turely in the far from important cantons of 
the Turones and the Andecavi on the lower Loire, and not 
merely the small garrison of Lyons, but also a part of the 
.army of the Rhine at once took the field against the insur- 
gents. Nevertheless the most noted districts joined ; the 
Treveri, under the guidance of Julius Florus, threw them- 
selves in masses into the Ardennes ; in the immediate 


The Gallic Provinces. [Book VIII. 

neighbourhood of Lyons the Haedui and Sequani rose 
under the leadership of Julius Sacrovir. The compact 
legions, it is true, gained the mastery over the rebels with- 
out much trouble ; but the rising, in which the Germans 
in no way took part, shows at any rate the hatred towards 
the foreign rulers, which still at that time prevailed in the 
land and particularly among the nobility — a hatred which 
was certainly strengthened, but was not at first produced, 
by the pressure of taxes and the financial distress that are 
designated as causes of the insurrection. 

It was a greater feat of Koman policy than that which 

enabled it to become master of Gaul, that it 
Stion ofSu." knew how to retain the mastery, and that 

Vercingetorix found no successor, although, 
as we see, there were not entirely wanting men who would 
gladly have walked in the same path. This result was 
attained by a shrewd combination of terrifying and of 
winning — we may add, of sharing. The strength and the 
proximity of the Rhine army was beyond question the first 
and the most effective means of preserving the Gauls in 
the fear of their master. If this army was maintained 
throughout the century at the same level, as will be set 
forth in the following section, it was so probably quite 
as much on account of their own subjects, as on account 
of neighbours who afterwards were by no means spec- 
ially formidable. That even the temporary withdrawal of 
these troops imperilled the continuance of the Roman 
rule, not because the Germans might then cross the Rhine, 
but because the Gauls might renounce allegiance to the 
Romans, is shown by the rising after Nero's death, in spite 
of its vacillation ; after the troops had marched off to Italy 
to make their general emperor, an independent Gallic 
empire was proclaimed in Treves, and those soldiers who 
were left were taken bound to allegiance towards it. But 
although this foreign rule, like every such rule, rested 
primarily and mainly on superior power — on the ascen- 
dancy of compact and trained troops over the multitude 
— it by no means rested on this exclusively. The art of 

Chap. III.] 

The Gallic Provinces. 


partition was here successfully applied. Gaul did not be- 
long to the Celts alone ; not merely were the Iberians 
strongly represented in the south, but Germanic tribes 
were settled in considerable numbers on the Rhine, and 
were of importance still more by their conspicuous apti- 
tude for war, than by their number. Skilfully the govern- 
ment knew how to foster and to turn to useful account 
the antagonism between the Celts and the Germans on the 
left of the Rhine. But the policy of amalgamation and of 
reconciliation operated still more powerfully. 

What measures were taken with this view we shall 
explain in the sequel. Seeing that the can- 
Poiicy of amai- tonal constitution was spared, and even a sort 

gamation, 7 

of national representation was conceded, and 
the measures directed against the national priesthood were 
taken gradually, while the Latin language was from the 
beginning obligatory, and with that national representa- 
tion there was associated the new worship of the emperor ; 
seeing that, on the whole, the Romanising was not under- 
taken in an abrupt way, but was cautiously and patiently 
pursued, the Roman foreign rule in the Celtic land ceased 
to be such, because the Celts themselves became, and 
desired to be, Romans. The extent to which the work 
had already advanced after the expiry of the first century 
of the Roman rule in Gaul is shown by the just mentioned 
occurrences after Nero's death, which, in their course as a 
whole, belong partly to the history of the Roman common- 
wealth, partly to its relations with the Germans, but must 
also be mentioned, at least by way of slight glance, in 
this connection. The overthrow of the Julio-Claudian 
dynasty emanated from a Celtic noble and began with a 
Celtic insurrection ; but this was not a revolt against 
the foreign rule like that of Vercingetorix or even of 
Sacrovir ; its aim was not the setting aside, but the trans- 
forming, of the Roman government. The fact that its 
leader reckoned descent from a bastard of Caesar one of 
the patents of nobility of his house, clearly expresses the 
half-national, half-Roman character of this movement. 

90 The Gallic Provinces. [Book VIII. 

Some months later certainly, after the revolted Koman 
troops of Germanic descent and the free Germans had for 
the moment overpowered the Eoman army, some Celtic 
tribes proclaimed the independence of their nation ; but 
this attempt proved a sad failure, not through the event- 
ual interference of the government, but from the very 
opposition of the great majority of the Celtic cantons 
themselves, which could not, and did not, desire to fall 
away from Eome. 

The Eoman names of the leading nobles, the Latin 
legend on the coins of the insurrection, the 
longer felt as travesty throughout of Eoman arrangements, 
show most clearly that the deliverance of the 
Celtic nation from the yoke of the foreigners in the year 
70 was no longer possible, just because there was such a 
nation no longer ; and the Eoman rule might be felt, ac- 
cording to circumstances, as a yoke, but no longer as a 
foreign rule. Had such an opportunity been offered to 
the Celts at the time of the battle of Philippi, or even un- 
der Tiberius, the insurrection would have run its course, 
not perhaps to another issue, but in streams of blood ; now 
it ran off into the sand. When, some decades after these 
severe crises, the Ehine army was considerably reduced, 
they had just given the proof that the great majority of 
the Gauls were no longer thinking of separation from the 
Italians, and the four generations that had followed since 
the conquest had done their work. Subsequent occur- 
rences here were crises within the Eoman world. When 
that world threatened to fall asunder, the West as well as 
the East separated itself for some time from the centre of 
the empire ; but the separate state of Postumus was the 
work of necessity, not of choice, and the separation was 
merely de facto ; the emperors who bore sway over Gaul, 
Britain, and Spain, laid claim to the dominion of the 
whole empire quite as much as their Italian anti-emperors. 
Certainly traces enough remained of the old Celtic habits 
and also of the old Celtic unruliness. As bishop Hilary 
of Poitiers, himself a Gaul, complains of the overbearing 

Chap. IIL] The Gallic Provinces. 91 

character of his countrymen, so the Gauls are, even in the 
biographies of the later Caesars, designated as stubborn 
and ungovernable and inclined to insubordination, so that 
in dealing with them tenacity and sternness of government 
appear specially requisite. But a separation from the 
Roman empire, or even a renouncing of the Roman nation- 
ality, so far as there was any such in the case, was in these 
later centuries nowhere less thought of than in Gaul ; on 
the contrary, the development of the Romano-Gallic cult- 
ure, of which Caesar and Augustus had laid the founda- 
tion, fills the later Roman period just as it fills the Middle 
Ages and more recent times. 

The regulation of Gaul was the work of Augustus. In 
the adjustment of imperial affairs after the 
S7S£? GauS close of the civil wars the whole of Gaul, as it 
had been entrusted to Caesar or had been 
further acquired by him, came — with the exception merely 
of the region on the Roman side of the Alps, which had 
meanwhile been joined to Italy — under imperial adminis- 
tration. Immediately afterwards Augustus resorted to 
Gaul, and in the year 727 completed in the 
capital Lugudunum the census of the Gallic 
province, whereby the portions of the country brought to 
the empire by Caesar first obtained an organised land- 
register, and the payment of tribute was regulated for 
them. He did not stay long at that time, for Spanish 
affairs demanded his presence. But the carrying out of 
the new arrangement encountered great difficulties and, in 
various cases, resistance. It was not mere military affairs 
that gave occasion to Agrippa's stay in Gaul 
in the year 735, and that of the emperor 
16-13. himself during the years 738-741 ; and the 

governors or commanders on the Rhine belonging to the 
imperial house, Tiberius, stepson of Augustus, in 738, 
16. 12-9. his brother Drusus, 742-745, Tiberius again, 
9-7,a.d.3-5,9-ii, 745-747, 757-759, 763-765, his son Ger- 
12-15. manicus, 766-769, had all of them the task 

of carrying on the organisation of Gaul. The work of 


The Gallic Provinces. [Book VIII. 

peace was certainly no less difficult and no less important 
than the passages of arms on the Rhine ; we perceive this 
in the fact that the emperor took in hand personally the 
laying of the foundation, and entrusted the carrying it 
out to the men in the empire who were most closely relat- 
ed to him and highest in station. It was only in those 
years that the arrangements, established by Caesar amidst 
the pressure of the civil wars, received the shape which 
they thereafter in the main retained. They extended over 
the old as over the new province ; but Augustus gave up 
the old Roman territory, along with that of Massilia from 
the Mediterranean as far as the Cevennes, as early as the 
year 732, to the senatorial government, and 
retained only New Gaul in his own administra- 
tion. This territory, still in itself very extensive, was then 
broken up into three administrative districts, over each of 
which was placed an independent imperial governor. This 
division attached itself to the threefold partition of the 
Celtic country — already found in existence by the dicta- 
tor Caesar, and based on national distinctions — into Aqui- 
tania inhabited by Iberians, the purely Celtic Gaul, and 
the Celto-Germanic territory of the Belgae ; doubtless too 
it was intended in this administrative partition to lay 
some measure of stress on these distinctions, which tended 
to favour the progress of the Roman rule. This, how- 
ever, was only approximately carried out, and could 
not be practically realised otherwise. The purely Celtic 
region between the Garonne and Loire was attached to 
the too small Iberian Aquitania ; the whole left bank of 
the Rhine, from the Lake of Geneva to the Moselle, was 
joined with Belgica, although most of these cantons 
were Celtic ; in general the Celtic stock so preponderated 
that the united provinces could be called "the three 
Gauls." Of the formation of the two so-called "Ger- 
manies," — nominally the compensation for the loss or 
abeyance of a really Germanic province, in reality the 
military frontier of Gaul — we shall speak in the following 

Chap. III.] The Gallic Provinces. 


Matters of law and justice were arranged in an alto- 
gether different way for the old province of 
justic^ Gaul and for the three new ones ; the former 
was Latinised at once and completely, in the 
latter the subsisting national state of things was in the 
first instance merely regulated. This contrast of adminis- 
tration, which reaches far deeper than the formal diversity 
of the senatorial and imperial administration, was doubt- 
less the primary and main occasion of the diversity, still 
continuing at the present day in its effects, between the 
regions of the Langue d'oc and Provence and those of the 
Langue d'oui. 

The Romanising of the south of Gaul had not in the 
republican period advanced so far as that of 

Romanising of x 1 

the southern the south of Spain. The eighty years lying 
between the two conquests were not to be 
rapidly overtaken ; the military camps in Spain were far 
stronger and more continuous than the Gallic ; the towns 
of Latin type were more numerous in the former than in 
the latter. Here doubtless in the time of the Gracchi and 
under their influence Narbo had been founded, the first 
burgess-colony proper beyond the sea ; but it remained 
isolated, and, though a rival of Massilia in commercial in- 
tercourse, to all appearance by no means equal to it in 
importance. But when Caesar began to guide the"destinies 
of Rome, here above all — in this land of his choice and of 
his star — neglect was retrieved. The colony of Narbo was 
strengthened, and was under Tiberius the most populous 
city in all Gaul. Thereupon four new burgess-communities 
were laid out, chiefly in the domain ceded by Massilia 
(iv. 646), the most important among them being, from a 
military point of view, Forum Julii (Frejus), the chief sta- 
tion of the new imperial fleet, and for trade Arelate (Aries), 
at the mouth of the Rhone, which soon — when Lyons rose 
and trade was tending more and more towards the Rhone — 
outstripping Narbo, became the true heir of Massilia and 
the great emporium of Gallo-Italic commerce. What 
further he himself did, and what his son did in the same 


The Gallic Provinces. [Book vill. 

sense, cannot be definitely distinguished, and historically 
little depends on the distinction ; here, if anywhere, Augus- 
tus was nothing but the executor of Caesar's testament. 
Everywhere the Celtic cantonal constitution gave way be- 
fore the Italian community. The canton of the Volcae in 
the coast region, formerly subject to the Massaliots, re- 
ceived through Caesar a Latin municipal constitution on 
such a footing, that the "praetors " of the Volcae presided 
over the whole district embracing twenty-four townships, 1 " 
until not long thereafter the old arrangement disappeared 
even in name, and instead of the canton of the Volcae came 
the Latin town of Nemausus (Nimes). In a similar way 
the most considerable of all the cantons of this province, 
that of the Allobroges, who had possession of the country 
northward of the Isere and eastward of the middle Ehone, 
from Valence and Lyons to the mountains of Savoy and to 
the lake of Geneva, obtained, probably already through 
Caesar, a like urban organisation and Italian rights, till at 
length the emperor Gaius granted the Roman franchise to 
the town of Vienna. So in the province as a whole the 
larger centres were organised by Caesar, or in the first age 
of the empire, on the basis of Latin rights, such as Kuscino 
(Roussillon), Avennio (Avignon), Aquae Sextiae (Aix), Apta 
(Apt). Already at the close of the Augustan age the country 
along both banks of the lower Rhone was completely Ro- 
manised in language and manners ; the cantonal consti- 
tution throughout the province was probably set aside with 
the exception of slight remnants. The burgesses of the 
communities on whom the imperial franchise was con- 
ferred, and no less the burgesses in those of Latin rights, 
who had acquired for themselves and for their descendants 
the imperial franchise by entering the imperial army or 
by the holding of offices in their native towns, stood in 
law on a footing of complete equality with the Italians, 

1 This is shown by the remarkable inscription of Avignon (Herzog. 
Gall. Narb. n. 403) : T. Carisius T. f. pr[aetor] Volcar[um] dot — the 
oldest evidence for the Koman organisation of the commonwealth 
in these regions. 

Chap. III.] 

The Gallic Provinces. 


and, like them, attained to offices and honors in the im- 
perial service. 

In the three Gauls, on the other hand, there were no 
towns of Koman and Latin rights, or rather 
Lugudunum. ^ ere wag on iy one sucn town 1 there, which on 

that account belonged to none of the three provinces or be- 
longed to all — the town of Lugudunum (Lyons). On the 
extreme southern verge of imperial Gaul, immediately on 
the border of the municipally-organised province, at the 
confluence of the Khone and the Saone, on a site equally 
well chosen from a military and from a commercial point of 
view, this settlement had arisen in the year 
711 during the civil wars, primarily in conse- 
quence of the expulsion of a number of Italians settled in 
Vienna. 2 Not having originated out of a Celtic canton, 3 
and hence always with a territory of narrow limits, but 
from the outset composed of Italians and in possession of 
the full Roman franchise, it stood forth unique in its kind 
among the communities of the three Gauls — as respects 
its legal relations, in some measure resembling Washing- 

1 Noviodunum (Nyon on the lake of Geneva) alone perhaps in the 
three Gauls may be compared, as regards plan, with 
Lugudunum (iv. 295) ; but, as this community emerges 
later as civitas Equestrium (Inscrip. Helvet. 115), it seems to have been 
inserted among the cantons, which was not the case with Lugudunum. 

The persons earlier driven forth from Vienna by the Allobroges 
(of 4k ObievvT]S rrjs "NapBu>u7}<rlas virb rcov 'AWofipiyoov xore iKireaovTes)^ 
in Dio, xlvi. 50, cannot well have been other than Roman citizens, 
for the foundation of a burgess-colony for their benefit is intelligible 
only on this supposition. The "earlier" expulsion probably stood 
connected with the rising of the Allobroges under Catugnatus in 
693 (iv. 2G0). The explanation why the dispossessed 
were not brought back, but were settled elsewhere, is 
not forthcoming ; but various reasons prompting such a course may 
be conceived, and the fact itself is not thereby called in question. 
The revenues accruing to the city (Tacitus, Hist. i. 65) may have 
been conferred upon it possibly at the expense of Vienna. 

? The ground belonged formerly to the Segusiavi (Plin. H. N~. iv. 15, 
107 ; Strabo, p. 186, 192), one of the small client-cantons of the Haedui 
(Caesar, B. G. vii. 75) ; but in the cantonal division it counts not as 
one of these, but stands for itself as wrpSiroMs (Ptolem. ii. 8, 11, 12). 


The Gallic Provinces. [Book VIII. 

ton in the North American Federation. This unique town 
of the three Gauls was at the same time the Gallic capi- 
tal. The three provinces had not any common chief 
authority, and, of high imperial officials, only the gov- 
ernor of the middle or Lugudunensian province had his 
seat there ; but when emperors or princes stayed in 
Gaul they as a rule resided in Lyons. Lyons was, along- 
side of Carthage, the only city of the Latin half of the 
empire which obtained a standing garrison after the model 
of that of the capital. 1 The only mint for imperial money, 
which we can point to with certainty in the West for the 
earlier period of the empire, is that of Lyons. Here was 
the headquarters of the transit-dues which embraced all 
Gaul ; and to this as a centre the Gallic network of roads 
converged. But not merely had all government institu- 
tions, which were common to Gaul, their native seat in 
Lyons ; this Roman town became also, as we shall see 
further on, the seat of the Celtic diet of the three provin- 
ces, and of all the political and religious institutions asso- 
ciated with it — of its temples and its yearly festivals. 
Thus Lugudunum rapidly rose into prosperity, helped on- 
ward by the rich endowment combined with its metro- 
politan position and by a site uncommonly favourable for 
commerce. An author of the time of Tiberius describes 
it as the second in Gaul after Narbo ; subsequently it 
takes a place there by the side of, or before, its sister on 
the Rhone, Arelate. On occasion of the fire, which in the 
year 64 laid a great part of Rome in ashes, the Lugudu- 
nenses sent to those burnt out a subsidy of 4,000,000 
sesterces (£43,500), and when the same fate befel their 
own town next year in a still harder way, the whole em- 
pire paid its contribution to them, and the emperor sent a 
like sum from his privy purse. The town rose out of its 
ruins with more splendour than before ; and it has for al- 
most two thousand years remained amidst all vicissitudes 

1 This was the 1200 soldiers with whom, as Agrippa the king of 
the Jews says in Josephus {Bell. J ad. ii. 16, 4), the Romans held in 
subjection the whole of Gaul. 

Chap. III.] 

The Gallic Provinces. 


a great city up to the present day. In the later period 
of the empire, no doubt, it fell behind Treves. The town 
of the Treveri, named Augusta probably from the first 
emperor, soon gained the first place in the Belgic pro- 
vince ; it still in the time of Tiberius Durocortorum of the 
Kemi (Kheims) is named the most populous place of the 
province and the seat of the governors, an author from 
the time of Claudius already assigns the primacy there to 
the chief place of the Treveri. But Treves became the 
capital of Gaul *■ — we may even say of the West — only 
through the remodelling of the imperial administration 
under Diocletian. After Gaul, Britain, and Spain were 
placed under one supreme administration, the latter had 
its seat in Treves ; and thenceforth Treves was also, when 
the emperors stayed in Gaul, their regular residence, and, 
as a Greek of the fifth century says, the greatest city be- 
yond the Alps. But the epoch when this Borne of the 
north received its walls and its hot baths, which might 
well be named by the side of the city walls of the Roman 
kings and of the baths of the imperial capital, lies beyond 
the limits of our narrative. Through the first three cen- 
turies of the empire Lyons remained the Roman centre of 
the Celtic land, and that not merely because it occupied 
the first place in population and wealth, but because it 
was, like no other in the Gallic north and but few in the 
south, a town founded from Italy, and Roman not merely as 
regards rights, but as regards its origin and its character. 
As the Italic town was the basis for the organisation of 
the south province, so the canton was for the 

The cantonal or- *■ 

ganisation of the northern, and predominantly indeed the can- 
ton of the Celtic formerly political, now com- 
munal, organisation. The importance of the distinction 
1 Nothing is so significant of the position of Treves at this time 
as the ordinance of the emperor Gratianus of the year 376 {God. 
Tkeocl. xiii. 3, 11), that there should he given to the professors of 
rhetoric and of the grammar of both languages in all the capitals of 
the then subsisting seventeen Gallic provinces, over and above 
their municipal salary, a like addition from the state chest: but for 
Treves this was to be on a higher scale. 


The Gallic Provinces. [Book VIII. 

between town and canton is not primarily dependent on 
its intrinsic nature ; even if it had been one of mere legal 
form, it would have separated the nationalities, and would 
have awakened and whetted, on the one hand, the feeling 
of their belonging to Eome, on the other hand, that of 
their being foreign to it. The practical diversity of the 
two organisations may not be estimated as of much ac- 
count for this period, since the elements of the com- 
munal organisation — the officials, the council, the burgess- 
assembly — were the same in the one case as in the other, 
and distinctions going deeper, such as perhaps formal- 
ly subsisted, would hardly be tolerated long by Eoman 
supremacy. Hence the transition from the cantonal or- 
ganisation to the urban was frequently effected of itself 
and without hindrance — we may even say, with a certain 
necessity, in the course of development. In consequence 
of this the qualitative distinctions of the two legal forms 
come into little prominence in our traditional accounts. 
Nevertheless, the contrast was certainly not a mere 
nominal one, but as regards the competence of the 
different authorities, judicature, taxation, levy, there sub- 
sisted diversities which were of importance, or at any rate 
seemed important, for administration, partly of them- 
selves, partly in consequence of custom. 

The quantitative distinction is definitely recognisable. 

The cantons, at least as they present them- 
th^canton? selves among the Celts and the Germans, are 

throughout tribes more than townships ; this 
very essential element was peculiar to all Celtic territories, 
and was often covered over rather than obliterated even 
by the subsequent Eomanising. Mediolanum and Brixia 
were indebted for their wide bounds and their lasting 
power essentially to the fact that they were, properly 
speaking, nothing but the cantons of the Insubres and the 
the Cenomani. The facts, that the territory of the town 
of Vienna embraced Dauphine and Western Savoy, and 
that the equally old and almost equally considerable 
townships of Cularo ( Grenoble ) and Genava ( Geneva ) 

Chap. III.] The Gallic Provinces. 


were down to late imperial times in point of law villages of 
the colony of Vienna, are likewise to be explained from 
the circumstance that this was the later name of the tribe 
of the Allobroges. In most of the Celtic cantons one 
township so thoroughly preponderates that it is one and the 
same thing whether we name the Kemi or Durocortorum, 
the Bituriges or Burdigala ; but the converse also occurs, 
as e.g. among the Vocontii Vasio (Vaison) and Lucus, 
among the Carnutes Autricum (Chartres) and Cenabum 
(Orleans) balance each other ; and it is more than ques- 
tionable whether the privileges which, according to Italic 
and Greek organisation, attached as a matter of course to 
the ring-wall in contrast to the open field, stood de jure, 
or even merely de facto, on a similar footing among the 
Celts. The counterpart to this canton in the Graeco- 
Italic system was much less the town than the tribe ; we 
have to liken the Carnutes to the Boeotians, Autricum and 
Cenabum to Tanagra and Thespiae. The specialty of the 
position of the Celts under the Eoman rule as compared 
with other nations — the Iberians, for example, and the Hel- 
lenes — turns on this, that these larger unions continued to 
subsist as communities in the former case, while in the 
latter those constitutional elements, of which they were 
composed, formed the communities. Old diversities of 
national development belonging to the pre-Roman epoch 
may have co-operated in the matter ; it may possibly have 
been more easily practicable to take from the Boeotians 
the joint diet of their towns than to break up the Helvetii 
into three or four districts ; political unions maintain their 
ground even after subjugation under a central power, in 
cases where their dissolution would bring about disorgan- 
isation. Yet what was done in Gaul by Augustus or, if 
it be preferred, by Caesar, was brought about not by the 
force of circumstances, but chiefly by the free resolution 
of the government, as it alone was in keeping with the 
forbearance otherwise exercised towards the Celts. For 
there was, in fact, in the pre-Roman time and even at the 
time of Caesar's conquest a far greater number of can- 


The Gallic Provinces. 

[Book VIII, 

tons than we find later ; in particular, it is remarkable 
that the numerous smaller cantons attached by clientship 
to a larger one did not in the imperial period become 
independent, but disappeared. 1 If subsequently the 
Celtic land appears divided into a moderate number of 
considerable, and some of them even very large, canton- 
districts, within which dependent cantons nowhere make 
their appearance, this arrangement had the way no doubt 
paved for it by the pre-Eoman system of clientship, but 
was completely carried out only under the Boman reor- 

This continued subsistence and this enlargement of the 
influence of the cantonal constitution must have been above all 
tutio°n al C ° n8ti "influential iu determining the further political 
development of Gaul. While the Tarraconen- 
sian province was split up into two hundred and ninety- 
three independent communities (p. 79), the three Gauls 
numbered together, as we shall see, not more than sixty- 
four of them. Their unity and their recollections re- 
mained unbroken ; the zealous adoration, which through- 
out the imperial period was paid among the Volcae to the 
fountain-god Nemausus, shows how even here, in the 
south of the land and in a canton transformed into a town, 
there was still a vivid sense of the traditional tie that 

1 In Caesar there appear doubtless, taken on the whole, the same 
cantons as are thereafter represented in the Augustan arrangement, 
but at the same time manifold traces of smaller client-unions (comp. 
iv. 276); thus as "clients" of the Haedui are named the Segusiavi, 
the Ambivareti, the Aulerci Brannovices, and the Brannovii ( B. G. 
vii. 75), as clients of the Treveri the Condrusi (B. G. iv. 6) as cli- 
ents of the Ilelvetii the Tulingi and Latobriges. With the excep- 
tion of the Segusiavi, all these are absent from the Lyons diet. 
Such minor cantons not wholly merged into the leading places may 
have subsisted in great number in Gaul at the time of the conquest. 
If, according to Josephus (Bell. Jud. ii. 16, 4), three hundred and 
five Gallic cantons and twelve hundred towns obeyed the Romans ; 
these may be the figures that were reckoned up for Caesar's successes 
in arms ; if the small Iberian tribes in Aquitania and the client-can- 
tons in the Celtic land were included in the reckoning, such num- 
bers might well be the result. 

Chap. III.] The Gallic Provinces. 


bound them together. Communities with wide bounds, 
firmly knit in this way by inward ties, were a power. 
Such as Caesar found the Gallic communities, with the 
mass of the people held in entire political as well as eco- 
nomic dependence, and an overpowerful nobility, they sub- 
stantially remained under Roman rule ; exactly as in pre- 
Roman times the great nobles, with their train of depen- 
dents and bondsmen to be counted by thousands, played 
the part of masters each in his own home, so Tacitus de- 
scribes the state of things in Tiberius's time among the 
Treveri. The Roman government gave to the community 
comprehensive rights, even a certain military power, so 
that they under certain circumstances were entitled to 
erect fortresses and keep them garrisoned, as was the case 
among the Helvetii ; the magistrates could call out the 
militia, and had in that case the rights and the rank of 
officers. This prerogative was not the same in the hands 
of the president of a small town of Andalusia, and of the 
president of a district on the Loire or the Moselle of the 
size of a small province. The large-hearted policy of 
Caesar the elder, to whom the outlines of this system 
must necessarily be traced back, here presents itself in all 
its grand extent. 

But the government did not confine itself to leaving 

with the Celts their cantonal organisation ; it 
SJree°Ga5is. l e ft> or rather gave, to them also a national 

constitution, so far as such a constitution was 
compatible with Roman supremacy. As on the Hellenic 
nation, so Augustus conferred on the Gallic an organised 
collective representation, such as they in the epoch of 
freedom and of disorganisation had striven after, but had 
never attained. Under the hill crowned by the capital of 
Gaul, where the Saone mingles its waters with those of the 

Rhone, on the 1st August of the year 742, 

the imperial prince Drusus, as representative 
of the government in Gaul, consecrated to Roma and to 
the Genius of the ruler the altar, at which thenceforth 
every year on this day the festival of these gods was to be 


The Gallic Provinces. [Book VJII. 

celebrated by the joint action of the Gauls. The repre- 
sentatives of all the cantons chose from their midst year 
by year the " priest of the three Gauls," who on the em- 
peror's day presented sacrifice to the emperor and con- 
ducted the festal games in connection with it. This rep- 
resentation of the land had not only a power of adminis- 
tering its own property by means of officials, who belonged 
to the chief circles of the provincial nobility, but also a 
certain share in the general affairs of the country. Of its 
immediate interference in politics there is certainly no 
other trace than that, in the serious crisis of the year 70, 
the diet of the three Gauls dissuaded the Treveri from 
rising against Kome ; but it had and used the right of 
bringing complaints as to the imperial and domestic 
officials acting in Gaul ; and it co-operated, moreover, if 
not in the imposition, at any rate in the apportionment of 
the taxes, 1 especially seeing that these were laid on not 
according to the several provinces but for Gaul in general. 
The imperial government certainly called into existence 
similar institutions in all the provinces, and not merely in- 
troduced in each of them the centralisation of sacred rites, 

1 This is indicated not only by the inscription in Boissieu, p. 609, 
where the words tot[i]us cens[us GaUiarum] are brought into con- 
nection with the name of one of the altar-priests, but also by the 
honorary inscription erected by the three Gauls to an imperial 
official a censibus accipiendis (Henzen, 6944). He appears to have 
conducted the revision of the land-register for the whole country, 
just as formerly Drusus did, while the valuation itself took place by 
commissaries for the individual districts. A sacerdos Bomae et Au- 
gusti of the Tarraconensis is praised ob curam tabulari censualis fide- 
liter administratam ( C. 1. L. ii. 4248) ; thus doubtless the diets of 
all provinces were invested with the apportionment of the taxes. 
The imperial finance-administration of the three Gauls was at least, 
as a rule, so divided that the two western provinces (Aquitania and 
Lugudunensis) were placed under one procurator, Belgica and the 
two Germanies under another ; yet there were probably not legally 
fixed powers for this purpose. A regular taking part in the levy 
may not be inferred from the discussion held by Hadrian — evidently 
as an extraordinary step — with representatives of all the Spanish 
districts (vita, 12). 

Chap. III.] 

The Gallic Provinces. 


but also — what the republic had not done — conferred on 
each one an organ for bringing requests and complaints 
before the government. Yet Gaul had in this respect, as 
compared with all other parts of the empire, at least a privi- 
lege de facto, as indeed this institution is here alone found 
fully developed. 1 For one thing, the united diet of the 
three provinces necessarily had a more independent posi- 
tion in presence of the legates and procurators of each of 
them, than, for example, the diet of Thessalonica in pres- 
ence of the governor of Macedonia. But then, in the case 
of institutions of this nature, far less depends on the 
measure of the rights conferred than on the weight of 
the bodies therein represented ; and the strength of the 
individual Gallic communities was transferred to the diet 
of Lyons, just as the weakness of the individual Hellenic 
communities to that of Argos. In the development of 
Gaul under the emperors the diet of Lyons to all appear- 
ance promoted essentially that general Gallic homoge- 
neity, which went there hand in hand with the Latinising. 
The composition of the diet, which is known to us with 

tolerable accuracy, 2 shows in what way the 
SSfSS^ of question of nationalities was treated by the 

government. Of the sixty, afterwards sixty- 
four, cantons represented at the diet, only four fall to the 

1 For the area Galliarum, the freedman of the three Gauls (Hen- 
zen, 6393), the adlector arcae Galliarum, inquisitor Galliarum, index 
arcae Galliarum, no other province, so far as I know, furnishes 
analogies ; and of these institutions, had they been general, the in- 
scriptions elsewhere would certainly have preserved traces. These 
arrangements appear to point to a self -administering and self -taxing 
body (the adlector, the meaning of which term is not clear, occurs as 
an official in collegia, C. I. L. vi. 355 ; Orelli, 2406) ; probably this 
chest defrayed the doubtless not inconsiderable expenditure for the 
temple buildings and for the annual festival. The area Galliarum 
was not a state- chest. 

2 As the total number of the communities recorded on the altar at 
Lyons, Strabo (iv. 3, 2, p. 192) specifies sixty, and as the number of 
the Aquitanian communities in the Celtic portion north of the 
Garonne fourteen (iv. 1, 1, p. 177). Tacitus {Ann. iii. 44) names as 
the total number of the Gallic cantons sixty-four, and so does, 

104 The Gallic Provinces. [Book VIII. 

Iberian inhabitants of Aquitania — although this region 
between the Garonne and the Pyrenees was divided 
among a very much larger number of, as a rule, small 
tribes — whether it was that the others were excluded 
altogether from representation, or that those four re- 
presented cantons were the meeting-places of canton- 

although in an incorrect connection, the scholiast on the Aeneid, i. 
286. A like total number is pointed to by the list given in Ptolemy 
from the second century, which adduces for Aquitania seventeen, 
for the Lugudunensis twenty-five, for the Belgica twenty-two can- 
tons. Of his Aquitanian cantons thirteen fall to the region between 
the Loire and Garonne, four to that between the Garonne and the 
Pyrenees. In the later one from the fifth century, which is well 
known under the name of Notitia Galliarum, twenty-six fall to 
Aquitania, twenty -four to the Lugudunensis (exclusive of Lyons), 
twenty-seven to Belgica. All these numbers are presumably cor- 
12 rect each for its time. Between the erection of the 

altar in 742 and the time of Tacitus (for to this his 
statement is doubtless to be referred), four cantons may have been 
added, just as the shifting of the numbers from the second to the 
fifth century may be referred to individual changes still in good 
part demonstrable. 

Considering the importance of these arrangements, it will not 
be superfluous to exhibit them in detail, at least for the two 
western provinces. In the purely Celtic middle province the 
three lists given by Pliny (first century), Ptolemy (second century), 
and the Notitia (fifth century), agree in twenty-one names : Abrin- 
cates — Andecavi — Aulerci Cenomani — Aulerci Diablintes — Aulerci 
Eburovici — Baiocasscs (Bodiocasscs Plin. , Vadicasii Ptol. ) — Carnutcs — 
Coriosolites (beyond doubt the Samnitae of Ptolemy) — Haedui — 
Lexovii — Meldae — Namnetes — Osismii — Parisii — Bedones — Senones — 
Tricassini — Turones — VeUocasses (Botomagenses) — Veneti — JJneUi 
(Constantia) ; in three more: Caletae — Segusiavi — Viducasses, Pliny 
and Ptolemy agree, while they are wanting in the Notitia, because 
in the meanwhile the Caletae were put together with the Veliocasses 
or the Rotomagenses, the Viducasses with the Baiocasses, and the 
Segusiavi were merged in Lyons. On the other hand, instead of 
the three that have disappeared, there appear two new ones that 
have arisen by division : Aureliani (Orleans), a branch from the 
Carnutes (Chartres), and Autessiodurum (Auxerre), a branch from 
the Senones (Sens). There are left in Pliny two names, Boi — 
Atesui ; in Ptolemy one, Arvii ; in the Notitia one, San. For Celtic 
Aquitania the three lists agree in eleven names : Arvemi — Bituriges 

Chap. III.] 

The Gallic Provinces. 


unions.' Afterwards, probably in the time of Trajan, the 
Iberian district was separated from the Lyons diet, and 
bad an independent representation given to it. 2 On tbe 

Cubi — Biiuriges Vivisci {Burdigalenses) — Gadurci — Gdbales — Lemo- 
vici — Nitiobriges (Aginnenses) — Petrucorii — Pictones — Buteni — San- 
tones; the second and third agree in the 12th of Vcllauni, which 
must have dropped out in Pliny ; Pliny alone has (apart from the 
problematic Aquitani) two names more, Ambilatri and Anagnutes ; 
Ptolemy one otherwise unknown, Datii ; perhaps Strabo's number 
of fourteen is to be made up by two of these. The Notitia has, 
besides these eleven, other two, based on splitting up the Albigenses 
(Albi on the Tarn), and the Ecolismenses (Angouleme). The lists 
of the eastern cantons stand related in a similar way. Although 
subordinate differences emerge, which cannot be here discussed, 
the character and the continuity of the Gallic cantonal division are 
clearly apparent. 

1 The four represented tribes were the Tarbelli, Vasates, Auscii, 
and Convenae. Besides these Pliny enumerates in southern Aqui- 
tania no less than twenty-five tribes — most of them otherwise un- 
known — as standing on a legal equality with those four. 

2 Pliny and, presumably here too following older sources of in- 
formation, Ptolemy know nothing of this division ; but we still 
possess the uncouth verses of the Gascon farmer (Borghesi, Opp. 
viii. 544), who effected this change in Rome, beyond doubt in com- 
pany with a number of his countrymen, although he has preferred 
not to add that it was so : — 

Flamen, item dumvir, quaestor pagiq[tie~\ magister 
Verus ad Augustum legato (sic) munere functus 
pro novem optinuit populis seiungere Gallos : 
urbe redux Oenio pagi Tianc dedicat aram. 
The oldest trace of the administrative separation of Iberian Aqui- 
tania from the Gallic is the naming of the "district of Lactora " 
(Lectoure) alongside of Aquitania in an inscription from Trajan's 
time (C. I. L. v. 875: procurator provinciarum Luguduniensis et 
Aquitanicae, item Lactorae). This inscription certainly of itself 
proves the diversity of the two territories rather than the formal 
severance of the one from the other ; but it may be otherwise shown 
that soon after Trajan the latter was carried out. For the fact that 
the separated district was originally divided into nine cantons, as 
these verses say, is confirmed by the name that thenceforth con- 
tinued in use, Novempopulana ; but under Pius the district numbers 
already eleven communities (for the dilectator per Aquitanicae XI 
populos, Boissieu, Lyon, p 246, certainly belongs to this connection), 
in the fifth century twelve, for the Notitia enumerates so many 


The Gallic Provinces. [Book VIII. 

other hand, the Celtic cantons in that organisation, with 
which we have formerly become acquainted, were substan- 
tially all represented at the diet, and likewise the half or 
wholly Germanic, 1 so far as at the time of the institution 
of the altar they belonged to the empire. That there was 
no place in this cantonal representation for the capital of 
Gaul was a matter of course. Moreover, the Ubii do not 
appear at the diet of Lyons, but sacrifice at their own altar 
of Augustus : this was, as we saw (p. 39), a remnant, which 
was allowed to subsist, of the intended province of Germany. 

While the Celtic nation in imperial Gaul was thus con- 
Restricted solidated in itself, it was also guaranteed in 
Roman fran- some measure against Koman influences by the 

chise of the _° _ ■ . J 

Gauis admitted course pursued as regards the conferring of 
to citizenship. ^ e i m perial franchise for this domain. The 
capital of Gaul no doubt was, and continued to be, a Koman 
burgess-colony, and this was essentially bound up with the 
peculiar position which it occupied and was intended to oc- 
cupy in contradistinction to the rest of Gaul. But while 
the south province was covered with colonies and organised 
throughout according to Italian municipal law, Augustus 
did not institute in the three Gauls a single burgess-colony; 
and probably even that municipal ius, which under the 
name of " Latin " formed an intervening stage between 
burgesses and non-burgesses, and afforded to its more not- 
able holders burgess-rights in law for their persons and 
their descendants, was for a considerable time withheld 
from Gaul. The personal bestowal of the franchise, partly 

under the Novempopulana. This increase is to be explained simi- 
larly to that discussed at p. 103, note 2. The division does not relate to 
the governorship ; on the contrary, both the Celtic and the Iberian 
Aquitania remained under the same legate. But the Novempopulana 
obtained under Trajan its own diet, while the Celtic districts of Aqui- 
tania, after as before, sent deputies to the diet of Lyons. 

1 There are wanting some smaller Germanic tribes, such as the 
Baetasii and the Sunuci, perhaps for similar reasons with those of 
the minor Iberian ; and further, the Cannenefates and the Frisians, 
probably because it was not till later that these became subjects of 
the empire. The Batavi were represented. 

Chap. Ill ] 

The Gallic Provinces. 


according to general enactments, on the soldiers sometimes 
at their entering on, sometimes at their leaving, service, 
partly out of special favour on individuals, might certainly 
fall to the lot also of the Gaul ; Augustus did not go so far 
as the republic went in prohibiting the Helvetian, for ex- 
ample, once for all from acquiring the Roman franchise, 
nor could he do so, after Caesar had in many cases given 
the franchise in this way to native Gauls. But he took at 
least from burgesses proceeding from the three Gauls — 
with the exception always of the Lugudunenses — the right 
of candidature for magistracies, and therewith at the same 
time excluded them from the imperial senate. Whether 
this enactment was made primarily in the interest of Rome 
or primarily in that of the Gauls, we cannot tell ; certainly 
Augustus wished to secure both points — to check on the 
one hand the intrusion of the alien element into the 
Roman system, and thereby to purify and elevate the lat- 
ter, and on the other hand to guarantee the continued sub- 
sistence of the Gallic idiosyncrasy after a fashion, which 
precisely by its judicious reserve promoted the ultimate 
blending with the Roman character more surely than an 
abrupt obtrusion of foreign institutions would have done. 
The emperor Claudius, himself born in Lyons and, as 
those who scoffed at him said, a true Gaul, set 
indMduai com- aside in great part these restrictions. The first 
S U riiht9. to Lat " town in Gaul which certainly received Italian 
rights was that of the Ubii, where the altar of 
Roman Germany was constructed ; there Agrippina, the 
subsequent wife of Claudius, was born in the camp of her 
father Germanicus, and she procured in the year 50 colo- 
nial rights, probably Latin, for her native place, the modern 
Cologne. Perhaps at the same time, perhaps even earlier, 
the same privilege was procured for the town of the Tre- 
veri Augusta, the modern Treves. Some other Gallic can- 
tons, moreover, were in this way brought nearer to the 
Roman type, such as that of the Helvetii by Vespasian, and 
also that of the Sequani (Besancon) ; but Latin rights do 
not seem to have met with great extension in these regions. 


The Gallic Provinces. [Book VIII. 

Still less in the time of the earlier emperors was the full 
right of citizenship conferred in imperial Gaul on whole 
communities. But Claudius probably made a beginning by 
setting aside of cance H m g the legal restriction which excluded 
the^restncted the Gauls that had attained to personal citizen- 
ship of the empire from the career of imperial 
officials ; this barrier was set aside in the first instance for 
the oldest allies of Borne, the Haedui, and soon perhaps 
generally. By this step equality of position was essen- 
tially obtained. For, according to the circumstances of 
this epoch, the imperial citizenship had hardly any special 
practical value for the circles that were by their position in 
life excluded from an official career, and was of easy attain- 
ment for wealthy peregrini of good descent, who wished to 
enter on this career and on that account had need of it ; 
but it was doubtless a slight keenly felt, when the official 
career remained in law closed against the Boman burgess 
from Gaul and his descendants. 

While in the organising of administration the national 
Celtic and character of the Celts was respected so far as 
Latin ian- was a t all compatible with the unity of the 


empire, this was not the case as regards lan- 
guage. Even if it had been practicable to allow the com- 
munities to conduct their administration in a language, of 
which the controlling imperial officials could only in excep- 
tional cases be masters, it undoubtedly was not the design 
of the Boman government to erect this barrier between 
the rulers and the ruled. Accordingly, among the coins 
struck in Gaul under Boman rule, and monuments erected 
on behalf of the community, there has been found no 
demonstrably Celtic inscription. The use of the lan- 
guage of the country otherwise was not hindered ; we 
find as well in the southern province as in the northern 
monuments with Celtic inscription, written in the former 
case always with the Greek, 1 in the latter always with the 

1 Thus there was found in Nemausus a votive inscription written 
in the Celtic language, erected Marpe&o NaixavaiKafio (C. I. L. xi. p. 
383), i. e. , to the Mothers of the place. 

Chap. III.] The Gallic Provinces. 


Latin 1 alphabet ; and probably at least several of the former, 
certainly all of the latter, belong to the epoch of Roman rule. 
The fact that in Gaul, outside of the towns having Italian 
rights and the Roman camps, inscribed monuments occur at 
all in but small number, is in all probability to be accounted 
for mainly by supposing that the language of the coun- 
try, treated as dialect, appeared just as unsuited for such 
employment as the unfamiliar imperial language, and 
hence the erection of memorial-stones did not become 
generally adopted here as in the Latinised regions ; the 
Latin probably may at that time in the greater part of 
Gaul have had nearly the same position, as it had subse- 
quently in the earlier Middle ages over against the popu- 
lar language of the time. The vigorous survival of the 
national language is most distinctly shown by the repro- 
duction of the Gallic proper names in Latin, not seldom 
with the retention of non-Latin forms of sound. The 
facts that spellings like Lousonna and Boudicca with the 
non-Latin diphthong ou found their way even into Latin 
literature, that for the aspirated dental, the English th, 
there was even employed in Roman writing a special sign (&), 
that Epadatextorigus is written alongside of Epasnactus, 
andJ>irona alongside of Sirona — make it almost a certainty 
that the Celtic language, whether in the Roman territory 
or beyond it, had in or before this epoch undergone a cer- 
tain regulation in the matter of writing, and could already 
at that time be written as it is written in the present day. 

1 For example, we read on an altar-stone, found in Neris-les-Bains, 
(Allier ; Desjardins, Geograpliie do la Gaule romaine, ii. 476) ; Bra- 
tronos Nantonicn Epadatextorid Leucullo Suio rebelocitoi. On 
another, which the Paris mariners' guild under Tiberius erected to 
Jupiter the highest and best (Mowat ; Bull. epig. dela Gaide, p. 25f.) 
the main inscription is Latin, but on the reliefs of the lateral sur- 
faces, which appear to represent a procession of nine armed priests, 
there stand explanatory words appended : Senani Useilorii . . . and 
Eurises, which are not Latin. Such a mixture is also met with 
elsewhere, e.g , in an inscription of Arrenes (Creuse, Bull. epig. de 
la Gaule, i. 38) ; Sacer Peroco ieuru (probably =fecit) Buorko v(pt- 
um) s(olvit) liibens) mierito). 


The Gallic Provinces. [Book VIII. 

Nor are evidences wanting of its continued use in Gaul. 
Evidences of When the names of towns Augustodunum 
continued use (Autun), Augustonemetum (Clermont), Augus- 
tobona (Troyes), and various similar ones arose, 
Celtic was necessarily still spoken even in middle Gaul. 
Arrian, under Hadrian, gives in his disquisition on cavalry, 
the Celtic expression for particular manoeuvres borrowed 
from the Celts. Irenaeus, a Greek by birth, who towards 
the end of the second century acted as a clergyman in 
Lyons, excuses the defects of his style by saying that he 
lives in the country of the Celts, and is compelled con- 
stantly to speak in a barbarian language. In a juristic 
treatise from the beginning of the third century, in con- 
trast to the rule of law that testamentary directions in 
general are to be drawn up in Latin or Greek, any other 
language, e.g., Punic or Gallic, is allowed for fidei com- 
missa. The emperor Alexander had his end announced to 
him by a Gallic fortune-teller in the Gallic language. 
Further, the church father Jerome, who had been himself 
in Ancyra as well as in Treves, assures us that the Gala- 
tians of Asia Minor and the Treveri of his time spoke 
nearly the same language, and compares the corrupt Gallic 
of the Asiatic with the corrupt Punic of the African. 
The Celtic language has maintained itself in Brittany, just 
as in Wales, to the present day ; but while the province 
no doubt obtained its present name from the insular 
Britons who, in the fifth century fled thither before the 
Saxons, the language was hardly imported for the first 
time with these, but was to all appearance handed down 
from one generation to another there for thousands of 
years. In the rest of Gaul naturally during the course of 
the imperial period Roman habits step by step gained 
ground ; but the Celtic idiom was put an end to here, 
not so much by the Germanic immigration as by the 
Christianising of Gaul, which did not, as in Syria and 
Egypt, adopt and make a vehicle of the language of the 
country that was set aside by the government, but preach- 
ed the Gospel in Latin. 

Chap. III. J The Gallic Provinces. Ill 

In the progress of Romanising, which in Gaul, apart 
Romanising &om ^ e sou thern province, continued to be 
ganger i n the left in substance to inward development, there 

is apparent a remarkable diversity between the 
eastern Gaul and the west and north — a difference, which 
turns doubtless in part, but not solely, on the contrast 
between the Germans and the Gauls. In the occurrences 
at and after Nero's fall this diversity comes into promi- 
nence even as exercising a political influence. The close 
contact of the eastern cantons with the camps on the Ehine 
and the recruiting of the Khenish legions, which took 
place especially here, procured earlier and more complete 
entrance for Roman habits there than in the region of the 
Loire and the Seine, On occasion of those quarrels the 
Rhenish cantons — the Celtic Lingones and Treveri, as well 
as the Germanic Ubii or rather the Agrippinenses — went 
with the Roman town of Lugudunum and held firmly to the 
legitimate Roman government, while the insurrection, at 
least, as was observed, in a certain sense national, originated 
from the Sequani, Haedui, and Arverni. In a later phase of 
the same struggle we find under altered party-relations the 
same disunion — those eastern cantons in league with the 
Germans, while the diet of Rheims refuses to join them. 
While the Gallic land was thus in respect of language 

treated in the main just like the other prov- 
measu e rement hices, we again meet with forbearance towards 

its old institutions in the regulations as to 
weights and measures. It is true that, alongside of the 
general imperial ordinance, which was issued in this re- 
spect by Augustus, the local observances continued in many 
places to subsist agreeably to the tolerant, or rather indif- 
ferent, attitude of the government in such things ; but it 
was only in Gaul that the local arrangement afterwards 
supplanted that of the empire. The roads in the whole 
Roman empire were measured and marked according to 
the unit of the Roman mile (1.48 kilom.), and up to the 
end of the second century this applied also to those prov- 
inces. But from Severus onward its place was taken in 


The Gallic Provinces. 

[Book VIII. 

the three Gauls and the two Germanies by a mile corre- 
lated no doubt to the Roman, but yet different and with a 
Gallic name, the leuga (2.22 kilometres), equal to one 
and a half Roman miles. Severus cannot possibly have 
wished in this matter to make a national concession to the 
Celts ; this is not in keeping either with the epoch or with 
that emperor in particular, who stood in an attitude of 
expressed hostility to these very provinces ; it must have 
been considerations of expediency that influenced him. 
These could only be based on the fact that the national 
road-measure, the leuga or else the double leuga, the 
German rasta, which latter corresponds to the French 
lieue, continued to subsist in these provinces after the 
introduction of the unit of road-measure to a much 
greater extent than was the case in other countries of the 
empire. Augustus must have extended the Roman mile 
formally to Gaul and placed the itineraries and the impe- 
rial highways on that footing, but must have in reality left 
to the country the old road-measurement ; and so it may 
have happened that the later administration found it less 
inconvenient to acquiesce in the double unit for postal 
traffic 1 than to continue to make use of a road-measure 
practically unknown in the country. 

Of far greater significance is the attitude of the Roman 
government to the religion of the country ; in 
fonSry. ° f the tnis beyond doubt the Gallic nationality found 
its most solid support. Even in the south prov- 
ince the worship of non-Roman deities must have held its 
ground long, much longer than, for example, in Andalusia. 
The great commercial town of Arelate, indeed, has no 
other dedications to show than to gods worshipped also in 
Italy ; but in Frejus, Aix, Nimes, and the whole coast 
region generally, the old Celtic divinities were in the im- 
perial epoch not much less worshipped than in the interior 
of Gaul. In the Iberian part of Aquitania also we meet 
numerous traces of the indigenous worship altogether 

1 The posting-books and itineraries do not fail to remark at Lyons 
and Toulouse that here the leugae begin. 

Chap. III.] The Gallic Provinces. 113 

different from the Celtic. All the images of gods, how- 
ever, that have come to light in the south of Gaul bear a 
stamp deviating less from the usual type than the monu- 
ments of the north ; and, above all, it was easier to man- 
age matters with the national gods than with the national 
priesthood, which meets us only in imperial Gaul and in 
the British Islands, — the Druids (iv. 274). It would be 
vain labour to seek to give any conception of the internal 
character of the Druidic doctrine, strangely composed of 
speculation and imagination ; only some examples may be 
allowed to illustrate its singular and fearful nature. The 
power of speech was symbolically represented in a bald- 
headed, wrinkled, sunburnt old man, who carries club and 
bow, and from whose perforated tongue fine golden chains 
run to the ears of the man that follows him — betokening 
the flying arrows and the crushing blows of the old man 
mighty in speech, to whom the hearts of the multitude 
willingly listen. This was the Ogmius of the Celts ; to 
the Greeks he appeared as a Charon dressed up as Hera- 
kles. An altar found in Paris shows us three images of 
the gods with annexed inscription ; in the middle Jovis, 
on his left Vulcan, on his right Esus " the horrid with his 
cruel altars," as a Roman poet terms him, and yet a god 
of commerce and of peaceful dealing ; 1 he is girded for 
labour like Vulcan, and as the latter carries hammer and 
tongs, so he hews a willow tree with the axe. A frequently 
recurring deity, probably named Cernunnos, is represented 
cowering with crossed legs ; on its head it bears a stag's 
antlers, on which hangs a neck chain, and holds in its lap 
a money-bag ; before it stand cattle and goats — apparently, 
as if it were meant to express the ground as the source o/ 
riches. The enormous difference of this Celtic Olympus 
— void of all chasteness and beauty and delighting in 
quaint and fantastic mingling of things very earthly — from 
the simply human forms of the Greek, and the simply 

1 The second Berne gloss on Lucan, i. 445, which rightly makes 
Tentates Mars, and seems also otherwise credible, says of him : 
Hesum Mercurium colunt, si quidem a mercatoribus colitur. 


The Gallic Provinces. [Book VIII. 

human conceptions of the Roman, religion enables us to 
guess the barrier which stood between these conquered 
and their conquerors. With this were connected, more- 
over, very serious practical consequences ; a comprehen- 
sive traffic in secret remedies and charms, in which the 
priests played at the same time the part of physicians, and 
in which, alongside of the conjuring and the blessing, 
human sacrifices occurred, and healing of the sick by the 
flesh of those thus slain. That direct opposition to the 
foreign rule prevailed in the Druidism of this period can- 
not at least be proved ; but, even if this were not the case, 
it is easy to conceive that the Roman government, which 
elsewhere let alone all local peculiarities of worship with 
indifferent toleration, contemplated this Druidical system, 
not merely in its extravagances but as a whole, with appre- 
hension. The institution of the Gallic annual festival in 
the purely Roman capital of the country, and with the 
exclusion of any link attaching it to the national cultus, 
was evidently a counter-move of the government against 
the old religion of the country, with its yearly council of 
priests at Chartres, the centre of the Gallic land. Augus- 
tus, however, took no further direct step against Druidism 
than that of prohibiting any Roman citizen from taking 
part in the Gallic national cultus. Tiberius in his more 
energetic way acted with decision, and prohibited alto- 
gether this priesthood with its retinue of teachers and 
healing practitioners ; but it does not quite speak for the 
practical success of this enactment that the same prohibi- 
tion was issued afresh under Claudius : it is narrated of 
the latter that he caused a Gaul of rank to be beheaded, 
simply because he was convicted of having brought into 
application the charms customary in his own country for 
a good result in proceedings before the emperor. That 
the occupation of Britain, which had been from of old 
the chief seat of these priestly actings, was in good part 
resolved on in order thereby to get at the root of the evil, 
will be fully set forth in the sequel (p. 185). In spite of 
all this the priesthood still played an important part in the 

Chap. III.] The Gallic Provinces. 


revolt which the Gauls attempted after the downfall of 
the Claudian dynasty ; the burning of the Capitol — so the 
Druids preached — announced the revolution in affairs, and 
the beginning of the dominion of the north over the south. 
But, although this oracle came subsequently to be fulfilled, 
it was not so through this nation and in favour of its 
priests. The peculiarities of the Gallic worship doubtless 
still exerted their effect even later ; when in the third 
century a distinctive Gallo-Koman empire came into exist- 
ence for some time, Hercules played the first part on its 
coins partly in his Graeco-Eoman form, partly as Gallic 
Deusoniensis or Magusanus. But of the Druids there is 
no further mention, except only so far as the sage women 
in Gaul down to the time of Diocletian passed under the 
name of Druidesses and uttered oracles, and the ancient 
noble houses still for long boasted of Druidic progenitors 
on their ancestral roll. The religion of the country fell 
into the background still more rapidly perhaps than the 
native language, and Christianity, as it pushed its way, 
hardly encountered in the former any serious resistance. 
Southern Gaul, withdrawn more than any other province 

by its position from hostile assault, and, like 
condZn°. Ital y and Andalusia, a land of the olive and 

the fig, rose under the imperial government 
to great prosperity and rich urban development. The 
amphitheatre and the sarcophagus-field of Aries, the 
" mother of all Gaul," the theatre of Orange, the temples 
and bridges still standing erect to this day in and near 
Nimes, are vivid witnesses of this down to the present 
time. Even in the northern provinces the old prosperity 
of the country was enhanced by the lasting peace, which, 
certainly with lasting pressure of taxation, accrued to the 
land by means of the foreign rule. "In Gaul," says a 
writer of the time of Vespasian, "the sources of wealth 
are at home, and flood the earth with their abundance." 1 

1 Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 16, 4. There king Agrippa asks his Jews 
whether they imagined themselves to be richer than the Gauls, 
braver than the Germans, more sagacious than the Hellenes. With 


The Gallic Provinces. [Book VIII. 

Perhaps nowhere do equally numerous and equally mag- 
nificent country-houses make their appearance, — especially 
in the east of Gaul, on the Khine and its affluents ; we 
discern clearly the rich Gallic nobility. Famous is the 
testament of a man of rank among the Lingones, who 
directs that there should be erected for him a memorial 
tomb and a statue of Italian marble or best bronze, and 
that, among other things, his whole implements for hunt- 
ing and fowling be burned along with him. This reminds 
us of the elsewhere mentioned hunting-parks enclosed for 
miles in the Celtic country, and of the prominent part 
which the Celtic hounds for the chase and Celtic hunts- 
manship play in the Xenophon of Hadrian's time, who does 
not fail to add that the hunting system of the Celts could 
not have been known to Xenophon the son of Gryllos. To 
this connection belongs likewise the remarkable fact that 
in the Roman army of the imperial period the cavalry was, 
properly speaking, Celtic, not merely inasmuch as it was 
pre-eminently recruited from Gaul, but also because the 
manoeuvres, and even the technical expressions, were in 
good part derived from the Celts ; we see here how, after 
the disappearance of the old burgess-cavalry under the 
republic, the cavalry became reorganised by Caesar and 
Augustus with Gallic men and in Gallic fashion. The basis 
of this notable prosperity was agriculture, towards the 
elevation of which Augustus himself worked with energy, 
and which yielded rich produce in all Gaul, apart perhaps 

this all other testimonies accord. Nero hears of the revolt not unwill- 
ingly occasions nata spoliandarum iure belli opulentissimarum pro- 
mnciarum (Suetonius, Nero, 40 ; Plut. Galb. 5) ; the booty taken from 
the insurgent army of Vindex is immense (Tac. Hist. i. 51). Tacitus 
{Hist. iii. 46) calls the Haedui pecunia diies et voluptatibus opulentos. 
The general of Vespasian is not wrong in saying to the revolted Gauls 
in Tac. Hist. iv. 74: Regna bellaque per Gallias semper fuere, donee 
in nostrum ius concederetis ; nos quamquam totiens lacessiti iure vic- 
toriae id solum vobis addidimus quo pacem tueremur, nam neque quies 
gentium sine armis neque arma sine stipendiis neque stipendia sine 
tributis liaberi queunt. The taxes doubtless pressed heavily, but not 
so heavily as the old state of feud and club-law. 

Chap. III.] The Gallic Provinces. 117 

from the steppe-region on the Aquitanian coast. The 
rearing of cattle was also lucrative, especially in the north, 
particularly the rearing of swine and sheep, which soon 
acquired importance for manufactures and for export ; the 
Menapian hams (from Flanders) and the Atrebatian and 
Nervian cloth-mantles (near Arras and Tournay) went forth 
in later times to the whole empire. 

Of special interest was the development of the culture 

of the vine. Neither the climate nor the gov- 
cuitureofthe ernment was favorable to it. The " Gallic 

winter " remained long proverbial among the 
inhabitants of the southern lands ; as, indeed, it was on 
this side that the Roman empire extended farthest towards 
the north. But narrower limits were drawn for the Gallic 
cultivation of the vine by Italian commercial competition. 
Certainly the god Dionysos accomplished his conquest of 
the world on the whole slowly, and only step by step did 
the drink prepared from grain give way to the juice of the 
vine ; but it was a result of the prohibitive system that in 
Gaul beer maintained itself at least in the north as the 
usual spirituous drink throughout the whole period of the 
empire ; and even the emperor Julian, on his abode in 
Gaul, came into conflict with this pseudo-Bacchus. 1 The 
imperial government did not indeed go so far as the re- 
public, which placed under police prohibition the culture 

'This epigram on * 'barley- wine " is preserved (Anthol. Pal. ix. 
368) : 

Ti's irodev eis Aiovvse ; fia yap rov a\r)6ea Ba/c%ov, 

ov <r' z-myvyvdiGKW rov Albs o78a p.6vov. 
Kelvos viKTap o8a>5e" av 8e rpdyoV i] pa. ae KcXtoI 

rfj Trevlfi fiorpvwv rev^av oltt arrra-xywu. 
t(u <re XPV Ka,\4eip Ar\\x-l\rpiov , ou Ai6vvuov, 

irvpoytvrj /xaXXou koX $p6\xov y ov Bp6/m.iou. 

On an earthen ring found in Paris (Mowat, Bull. epig. de la Gaule, 
ii. 110; iii. 133), which is hollow and adapted for the filling of cups, 
the drinker says to the host : copo, conditu{m) [cnoditu is a mis- 
spelling] abes; est reple(ri)da— li Host, thou hast more in the cellar ; 
the flask is empty ; " and to the barmaid : ospita, reple lagona(m) 
cervesa — "Girl, fill the flask with beer." 


The Gallic Provinces. 

[Book VIII. 

of the vine and olive on the south coast of Gaul (iii. 203 ; 
ii. 448) ; but the Italians of their time were withal the true 
sons of their fathers. The flourishing condition of the two 
great emporia on the Rhine, Aries and Lyons, depended 
in no small degree on the market for Italian wine in Gaul ; 
by which fact we may measure what importance the culture 
of the vine must at that time have had for Italy. If one 
of the most careful administrators who held the imperial 
office, Domitian, issued orders that in all the provinces at 
least the half of the vines should be destroyed 1 — which, 
it is true, were not so carried out — we may thence infer 
that the diffusion of the vine-culture was at all events sub- 
jected to serious restriction on the part of the government. 
In the Augustan age it was still unknown in the northern 
part of the Narbonese province (iv. 264, note), and, though 
here too it was soon taken up, it yet appears to have re- 
mained through centuries restricted to the Narbonensis and 
southern Aquitania ; of Gallic wines the better age knows 
only the Allobrogian and the Biturigian, according to our 
way of speaking, the Burgundian and the Bordeaux. 2 It 
was only when the reins of the empire fell from the hands 
of the Italians, in the course of the third century, that this 
was changed, and the emperor Probus (276-282) at length 
threw the culture of the vine open to the provincials. 
Probably it was only in consequence of this that the vine 
gained a firm footing on the Seine as on the Moselle. 
"I have," writes the emperor Julian, "spent a winter" (it 
was the winter of 357-358) " in dear Lutetia, for so the 
Gauls term the little town of the Parisii, a small island 

1 Suetonius, Bom. 7. When it was specified as a reason, that the 
higher prices of corn were occasioned by the conversion of agricult- 
ural land into vineyards, that was of course a pretext which cal- 
culated on the want of intelligence in the public. 

2 When Hehn still appeals (Kulturpflanzen, p. 76) for the vine- 
culture of the Arverni and the Sequani, beyond the Narbonensis, 
to Pliny, H. N~. xiv. 1, 18, he follows discarded interpolations of 
the text. It is possible that the sterner imperial government in the 
three Gauls kept back the cultivation of the vine more than the lax 
senatorial rule in the Narbonensis. 

Chap. Ill] 

The Gallic Provinces. 


lying in the river and walled all round. The water is 
there excellent and pure to look at and to drink ; the in- 
habitants have a pretty mild winter, and good wine is 
grown among them ; in fact, some even rear figs, covering 
them up in winter with wheaten straw as with a cloth." 
And not much later the poet of Bordeaux, in his pleasing 
description of the Moselle, depicts the vineyards as bor- 
dering that river on both banks, "just as my own vines 
wreathe for me the yellow Garonne." 

The internal intercourse, as well as that with the neigh- 
bouring lands, especially with Italy, must have 
£g^vays° f heen very active, and must have been much 
developed and fostered by the network of 
roads. The great imperial highway from Rome to the 
mouth of the Baetis, which has been mentioned, under 
Spain (p. 81), was the main artery for the land traffic of 
the south province ; the whole stretch, kept in repair in 
republican times from the Alps to the Rhone by the Mas- 
saliots, from thence to the Pyrenees by the Romans, was 
laid anew by Augustus. In the north the imperial high- 
ways led mainly to the Gallic capital or to the great camps 
on the Rhine ; yet sufficient provision seems to have been 
made for other requisite communication. 

If the southern province in the olden time belonged in- 
tellectually to the Hellenic type, the decline of 
SSSuSSl 1 Massilia and the mighty progress of Romanism 
in southern Gaul produced, no doubt, an alter- 
ation in that respect ; nevertheless this portion of Gaul re- 
mained always, like Campania, a seat of Hellenism. The 
fact that Nemausus, one of the towns sharing the heritage 
of Massilia, shows on its coins of the Augustan period 
Alexandrian numbering of the years and the arms of 
Egypt, has been not without probability referred to the 
settlement by Augustus himself of veterans from Alexan- 
dria in this city, which presented no attitude of opposition 
to Hellenism. It may, doubtless, also be brought into con- 
nection with the influence of Massilia, that to this province, 
at least as regards descent, belonged that historian, who — ■ 

120 The Gallic Provinces. [Book VIII. 

apparently in intentional contrast to the national-Koman 
type of history, and occasionally with sharp sallies against 
its most noted representatives, Sallust and Livy — upheld 
the Hellenic type, the Vocontiam Pompeius Trogus, author 
of a history of the world beginning with Alexander and 
the kingdoms of the Diadochi, in which Eoman affairs are 
set forth only within this framework, or by way of appen- 
dix. Beyond doubt in this he was only retaliating, which 
was strictly within the province of the literary opposition 
of Hellenism ; still it remains remarkable that this ten- 
dency should find its Latin representative, and an adroit 
and fluent one, here in the Augustan age. From a later 
period Favorinus deserves mention, of an esteemed bur- 
gess-family in Aries, one of the chief pillars of polymathy 
in Hadrian's time ; a philosopher with an Aristotelian and 
sceptical tendency, at the same time a philologue and 
rhetorician, the scholar of Dion of Prusa, the friend of 
Plutarch and of Herodes Atticus, assailed polemically in 
the field of science by Galen and in light literature by 
Lucian, sustaining lively relations generally with the noted 
men of letters of the second century, and not less with the 
emperor Hadrian. His manifold investigations, among 
other matters, concerning the names of the companions of 
Odysseus that were devoured by Scylla, and as to the name 
of the first man who was at the same time a man of letters, 
make him appear as the genuine representative of the eru- 
dite dealing in trifles that was then in vogue ; and his dis- 
courses for a cultivated public on Thersites and the ague, 
as well as his conversations in part recorded for us "on all 
things and some others," give not an agreeable, but a charac- 
teristic picture of the literary pursuits of the time. Here we 
have to call attention to what he himself reckoned among the 
remarkable points of his career in life, that he was by birth 
a Gaul and at the same time a Greek author. Although the 
literatioi the West frequently gave, as occasion offered, speci- 
mens of their Greek, but few of them made use of this as 
the proper language of their authorship ; in this case its use 
would be influenced in part by the scholar's place of birth. 

Chap. III.] 

The Gallic Provinces. 


South Gaul, moreover, had so far a share in the Au- 
_ . jmstan bloom of literature, that some of the 

Latin literature ° ' 

in the south most notable forensic orators of the later Au- 
gustan age, Votienus Montanus ( f 27 a.d.), 
from Narbo — named the Ovid of orators — and Gnaeus Do- 
mi tius Afer (consul in 39 a.d.) from Nemausus, belonged to 
this province. Generally, as was natural, Roman literature 
extended its circulation also over this region ; the poets of 
Domitian's time sent their free copies to friends in Tolosa 
and Vienna. Pliny, under Trajan, is glad that his minor writ- 
ings find even in Lugudunum not merely favourable readers, 
but booksellers who push their sale. But we cannot produce 
evidence for the south of any such special influence, as Bae- 
tica exercised in the earlier, and northern Gaul in the later, 
imperial period, on the intellectual and literary development 
of Rome. The fair land yielded richly wine and fruits ; 
but the empire drew from it neither soldiers nor thinkers. 
Gaul proper was in the domain of science the promised 
land of teaching and of learning ; this pre- 
SperiSoaui. sumably was due to the peculiar development 
and to the powerful influence of the national 
priesthood. Druidism was by no means a naive popular 
faith, but a highly developed and pretentious theology, 
which in the good church-fashion strove to enlighten, or 
at any rate control, all spheres of human thought and ac- 
tion, physics and metaphysics, law and medicine ; which 
demanded of its scholars unwearied study, it was said, for 
twenty years, and sought and found these its scholars pre- 
eminently in the ranks of the nobility. The suppression 
of the Druids by Tiberius and his successors must have 
affected in the first instance these schools of the priests, 
and have led to their being at least publicly abolished ; 
but this could only be done effectively when the national 
training of youth was brought face to face with the Ro- 
mano-Greek culture, just as the Carnutic council of Druids 
was confronted with the temple of Roma in Lyons. How 
early this took place in Gaul, without question under the 
guiding influence of the government, is shown by the re- 


The Gallic Provinces. 

[Book VIII. 

markable fact that in the f ormerly mentioned revolt under 
Tiberius the insurgents attempted above all to possess 
themselves of the town of Augustodunum (Autun), in or- 
der to get into their power the youths of rank studying 
there, and thereby to gain or to terrify the great families. 
In the first instance these Gallic Lycea may well have 
been, in spite of their by no means national course of 
training, a leaven of distinctively Gallic nationality ; it 
was hardly an accident that the most important of them 
at that time had its seat, not in the Koman Lyons, but in 
the capital of the Haedui, the chief among the Gallic can- 
tons. But the Komano-Hellenic culture, though perhaps 
forced on the nation and received at first with opposition, 
penetrated, as gradually the antagonism wore off, so deeply 
into the Celtic character, that in time the scholars applied 
themselves to it more zealously than the teachers. The 
training of a gentleman, somewhat after the manner in 
which it at present exists in England, based on the study 
of Latin and in the second place of Greek, and vividly re- 
minding us in the development of the school-speech, with 
its finely cut points and brilliant phrases, of more recent 
literary phenomena springing from the same soil, became 
gradually in the West a sort of chartered right of the 
Gallo-Eomans. The teachers there were probably at all 
times better paid than in Italy, and above all were better 
treated. Quintilian already mentions with respect among 
the prominent forensic orators several Gauls ; and not 
without design Tacitus, in his fine dialogue on oratory, 
makes the Gallic advocate, Marcus Aper, the defender of 
modern eloquence against the worshippers of Cicero and 
Caesar. The first place among the universities of Gaul 
was subsequently taken by Burdigala, and indeed generally 
Aquitania was, as respects culture, far in advance of mid- 
dle and northern Gaul ; in a dialogue written there at the 
beginning of the fifth century one of the speakers, a 
clergyman from Chalon-sur-Saone, hardly ventures to 
open his mouth before the cultivated Aquitanian circle. 
This was the sphere of working of the formerly-mentioned 

Chap, in.] The Gallic Provinces. 123 

professor Ausonius, who was called by the emperor Valen- 
tinian to be teacher of his son Gratian (born in 359), and 
who has in his miscellaneous poems raised a monument 
to a large number of his colleagues ; and, when his con- 
temporary Symmachus, the most famous orator of this 
epoch, sought a private tutor for his son, he had one 
brought from Gaul in recollection of his old teacher who 
had his home on the Garonne. By its side Augusto- 
dunum remained always one of the great centres of Gallic 
studies ; we have still the speeches which were made be- 
fore the emperor Constantine, asking, and giving thanks 
for, the re-establishment of this school of instruction. 

The representation in literature of this zealous scholas- 
tic activity is of a subordinate kind, and of slight value — 
declamations, which were stimulated especially by the 
later conversion of Treves into an imperial residence and 
the frequent sojourn of the court in the Gallic land, and 
occasional poems of a multifarious character. The mak- 
ing of verses was, like the supply of speeches, a necessary 
function of the teaching office, and the public teacher of 
literature was at the same time a poet not exactly born, 
but bespoken. At least the depreciation of poetry, which 
is characteristic of the otherwise similar Hellenic litera- 
ture of the same epoch, did not prevail among these 
Occidentals. In their verses the reminiscence of the 
school and the artifice of the pedant predominate, 1 and 

1 One of the professorial poems of Ausonius is dedicated to four 
Greek grammarians : — 

Sedulum cunctis studium docendi ; 
Fructus exilis tenuisque sermo ; 
Bed, quia nostro docuere in aevo, 

This mention is the more meritorious, seeing that he had learned 
nothing suitable from them : — 

Obstitit nostrae quia, credo, mentis 
Tardior sensus, neque disciplinis 
Appulit Oraecis puerilis aevi 
JVaxius error. 

Such thoughts have frequently found utterance, but seldom in 
Sapphic measure. 


The Gallic Provinces. [Book vin. 

pictures of vivid and real feeling, as in the Moselle-trip 
of Ausonius, but rarely occur. The speeches, which we 
are indeed in a position to judge of only by some late 
addresses delivered at the imperial palace, are models in 
the art of saying little in many words, and of expressing 
absolute loyalty with an equally absolute lack of thought. 
When a wealthy mother sent her son, after he had ac- 
quired the copiousness and ornateness of Gallic speech, 
onward to Italy to acquire also the Roman dignity, 1 this 
was certainly more difficult of acquisition for these Gallic 
rhetoricians than the pomp of words. For the early 
Middle age such performances as these exercised decisive 
influence ; through them in the first Christian period Gaul 
became the seat proper of pious verses and withal the last 
refuge of scholastic literature, while the great mental 
movement within Christianity did not find its chief repre- 
sentatives there. 

In the sphere of the constructive and plastic arts the 

climate itself called forth various phenomena 
and^Saart. unknown, or known only in their germs, to 

the south proper. Thus the heating of the 
air, which in Italy was usual only for baths, and the use 
of glass windows, which was likewise far from common 
there, were comprehensively brought into application in 
Gallic architecture. But we may perhaps speak of a 
development of art peculiar to this region, in so far as 
figures and, in progress of time, representations of scenes 
of daily life emerge in the Celtic territory with relatively 
greater frequency than in Italy, and replace the used-up 
mythological representations by others more pleasing. 
It is certainly almost in the sepulchral monuments alone 
that we are able to recognise this tendency to the real and 
the genre, but it doubtless prevailed in the practice of art 
generally The arch of Arausio (Orange), from the early 
imperial period, with its Gallic weapons and standards ; 
the bronze statue of the Berlin museum found at Vetera, 

1 Romana gravitas, Hieronymus, Ep. 125, p. 929, Vail. 

Chap. III.] 

The Gallic Provinces. 


representing apparently the god of the place with ears of 
barley in his hair ; the Hildesheim silver-plate, probably 
proceeding in part from Gallic workshops, show a certain 
freedom in the adoption and transformation of Italian 
suggestions. The tomb of the Julii at St. Eemy, near 
Avignon, a work of the Augustan age, is a remarkable 
evidence of the lively and spirited reception of Hellenic 
art in southern Gaul, as well in its bold architectural 
structure of two square storeys crowned by a peristyle 
with conic dome, as also in its reliefs which, in style 
most nearly akin to the Pergamene, present battle and 
hunting scenes with numerous figures, taken apparently 
from the life of the persons honoured, in picturesque 
animated execution. It is remarkable that the acme of 
this development is reached — by the side of the southern 
province — in the district of the Moselle and the Maas. 
This region, not placed so completely under Eoman influ- 
ence as Lyons and the headquarter-towns on the Khine, 
and more wealthy and civilised than the districts on the 
Loire and the Seine, seems to have in some measure pro- 
duced of itself this exercise of art. The tomb of a man 
of rank in Treves, well known under the name of the Igel 
Column, gives a clear idea of the tower-like monuments, 
crowned with pointed roof and covered on all sides with 
representations of the life of the deceased, that are here 
at home. Frequently we see on them the landlord, to 
whom his peasants present sheep, fish, fowls, eggs. A 
tombstone from Arlon, near Luxemburg, shows, besides 
the portraits of the two spouses, on the one side a cart 
and a woman with a fruit-basket, on the other a sale of 
apples above two men squatting on the ground. Another 
tombstone from Neumagen, near Treves, has the form of 
a ship ; in this sit six mariners plying the oars ; the cargo 
consists of large casks, alongside of which the merry- 
looking steersman seems — one might imagine—to be re- 
joicing over the wine which they contain. We may per- 
haps bring them into connection with the serene picture 
which the poet of Bordeaux has preserved to us of the 


The Gallic Provinces. 

[Book VIII. 

Moselle valley, with its magnificent castles, its many- 
vineyards, and its stirring doings of fishermen and of 
sailors, and find in it the proof that in this fair land, 
more than fifteen hundred years ago, there was already 
the pulsation of peaceful activity, serene enjoyment, and 
warm life. 



The two Roman provinces of Upper and Lower Germany 
were the result of that defeat of the Roman 

Limitation of tpt-» t -in 

Roman Ger- arms and oi -tioman policy under the reign of 
Augustus which has been already (p. 601) 
described. The original province of Germany, which 
embraced the country from the Rhine to the Elbe, sub- 
sisted only twenty years, from the first campaign of 
12 Drusus, 742 u.c., down to the battle of Varus 

and the fall of Aliso, 762 u.c. ; but as, on the 

A.D. 9. 

one hand, it included the military camps on 
the left bank of the Rhine — Vindonissa, Mogontiacum, Ve- 
tera — and, on the other hand, even after that disaster, more 
or less considerable portions of the right bank remained 
Roman, the governorship and the command were not, in 
a strict sense, done away by that catastrophe, although 
they were, so to speak, placed in suspense. The internal 
organisation of the Three Gauls has been already set 
forth ; they embraced the whole country as far as the 
Rhine without distinction of descent — except that the 
Ubii, who had only been brought over to settle in Gaul 
during the last crises, did not belong to the sixty-four 
cantons, while the Helvetii, the Triboci, and generally the 
districts elsewhere held in occupation by the Rhenish 
troops, doubtless did so belong. The intention had been 
to gather together the German cantons between the Rhine 
and Elbe into a similar association under Roman suprem- 
acy, as had been constituted in the case of the Gallic 
cantons, and to bestow upon it, in the altar to Augustus 
of the Ubian town — the germ of the modern Cologne — an 
executive centre similar to that which the altar of Augus- 
tus of Lyons formed for Gaul ; for the more remote future 


Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

the transference of the chief camp to the right bank of 
the Rhine, and the restoration of the left, at least in the 
main, to the governor of the Belgica, were doubtless in 
contemplation. But these projects came to an end with 
the legions of Varus ; the Germanic altar of Augustus on 
the Rhine became or remained the altar of the Ubii ; the 
legions permanently retained their standing quarters in 
the territory, which properly belonged to the Belgica, but 
— seeing that a separation of the military and civil admin- 
istration was, according to the Roman arrangement, ex- 
cluded — was placed, so long as the troops were stationed 
there, for administrative purposes also under the com- 
mandants of the two armies. 1 For, as was formerly stated, 
Varus was probably the last commandant of the united 
army of the Rhine ; on the increase of the army to eight 
legions, which was consequent upon that disaster, the di- 
vision of it to all appearance also ensued. What we have 
to describe in this section therefore is not, strictly speaking, 
the circumstances of a Roman province, but the fortunes 
of a Roman army, and, as most closely connected there- 
with, the fortunes of the neighbouring peoples and adver- 
saries, so far as these are interwoven with the history of 

The two headquarters of the army of the Rhine were 
always Vetera near Wesel and Mogontiacum, 

?r P Germany LoW " tne modern Mentz, both doubtless older than 
the division of the command, and one of the 

reasons for introducing that division. The two armies 

1 This division of a province among three governors is without 
parallel elsewhere in Roman administration. The relation of Africa 
and Numidia offers doubtless an external analogy, but was politically 
conditioned by the position of the senatorial governor to the impe- 
rial military commandant, while the three governors of Belgica were 
uniformly imperial ; and it is not at all easy to see why the two 
Germanic ones had districts within the Belgica assigned to them in- 
stead of districts of their own. Nothing but the taking back of the 
frontier, while the hitherto subsisting name was retained — just as 
the Transdanubian Dacia continued subsequently to subsist by 
name as Cis-Danubian — explains this singular peculiarity. 

Chap. IV.] lloman Germany. 


numbered in the first century four legions each, thus 
about 30,000 men ; 1 at or between those two points lay the 
main bulk of the Roman troops, besides one legion at No- 
viomagus (Nimeguen), another at Argentoratum (Strass- 
burg), and a third at Vindonissa (Windisch not far from 
Zurich) not far from the Raetian frontier. To the lower 
army belonged the not inconsiderable fleet on the Rhine. 
The .boundary between the upper and the lower army lay 
between Andernach and Remagen near Brohl, 2 so that 
Coblenz and Bingen fell to the upper, Bonn and Cologne 
to the lower military district. On the left bank there be- 
longed to the upper German administrative circuit the 
districts of the Helvetii (Switzerland), the Sequani (Besan- 
^on), the Lingones (Langres), the Rauraci (Basle), the 
Triboci (Alsace), the Nemetes (Spires), and the Vangiones 
(Worms) ; to the more restricted lower German circuit be- 

1 The strength of the auxilia of the upper army may be fixed for 
the epoch of Domitian and Trajan with tolerable certainty at abont 
10,000 men. A document of the year 90 enumerates four alae and 
fourteen cohortes of this army ; to these is to be added at least one co- 
hort (/ Germanorum), which, it can be shown, did garrison-duty 
there as well in the year 82 as in the year 116 ; whether two alae 
which were there in the year 82, and at least three cohorts which 
were there in 116, and which are absent from the list of the year 90, 
were doing garrison work there in 90 or not, is doubtful, but most 
of them probably were away from the province before 90 or only 
came into it after 90. Of those nineteen auxilia one was certainly 
{coh. I Damascenorum), another perhaps (ala I Flavia gemina), a 
double division. At the minimum, therefore, the figure indicated 
above results as the normal state of the auxilia of this army, and it 
cannot have been materially exceeded. But the auxilia of lower 
Germany, whose garrisons were less extended, may well have been 
smaller in number. 

' 2 At the frontier bridge over the rivulet Abrinca, now Vinxt, the 
old boundary of the archdioceses of Cologne and Treves, stood two 
altars, that on the side of Remagen dedicated to the Boundaries, 
the Spirit of the place, and Jupiter (Finibus et Genio lociet lorn Op- 
timo maximo) by soldiers of the 30th lower German legion ; the other 
on the side of Andernach, dedicated to Jupiter, the Genius of the 
place, and Juno, by a soldier of the 8th Upper Germanic (Bram- 
bach, 649, 650). 


Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

longed the district of the Ubii, or rather the colony Agrip* 
pina (Cologne), those of the Tungri (Tongern), the Menapii 
(Brabant), and the Batavi, while the cantons situated far- 
ther to the west, including Metz and Treves, were placed 
under the different governors of the three Gauls. While 
this separation has merely administrative significance, on 
the other hand the varying extent of the two jurisdictions 
on the right bank coincides with the varying relations to 
their neighbours and the advancing or receding of the 
bounds of the Boman rule conditioned by those relations. 
With these neighbours confronting them, matters on the 
lower and on the upper Bhine were regulated in ways so 
diverse, and the course of events was so thoroughly differ- 
ent that here the provincial separation became historically 
of the most decisive importance. Let us look first at the 
development of things on the lower Bhine. 

We have formerly described how far the Bomans had 
subjugated the Germans on both banks of the 
Lower Germany, j^ine. The Germanic Batavi had been peace- 
fully united with the empire not by Caesar, but not 
long afterwards, perhaps by Drusus (p. 31). They were 
settled in the Bhine delta, that is on the left bank of the 
Bhine and on the islands formed by its arms, upwards as 
far at least as the Old Bhine, and so nearly from Ant- 
werp to Utrecht and Leyden in Zealand and southern 
Holland, on territory originally Celtic — at least the local 
names are predominantly Celtic ; their name is still borne 
by the Betuwe, the lowland between the Waal and the 
Leek with the capital Noviomagus, now Nimeguen. They 
were, especially compared with the restless and refractory 
Celts, obedient and useful subjects, and hence occupied 
a distinctive position in the aggregate, and particularly in 
the military system, of the Boman empire. They remained 
quite free from taxation, but were on the other hand 
drawn upon more largely than any other canton in the 
recruiting ; this one canton furnished to the army 1,000 
horsemen and 9,000 foot soldiers ; besides, the men of the 
imperial body-guard were taken especially from them. 

Chap. IV.] 

Roman Germany. 


The command of these Batavian divisions was conferred 
exclusively on native Batavi. The Batavi were accounted 
indisputably not merely as the best riders and swimmers 
of the army, but also as the model of true soldiers, and in 
this case certainly the good pay of the Batavian body- 
guard, as well as the privilege of the nobles to serve as of- 
ficers, considerably confirmed their loyalty. These Ger- 
mans accordingly had taken no part either preparatory to, 
or consequent upon, the disaster of Varus ; and if Augus- 
tus, under the first impression of the terrible news, dis- 
charged his Batavian guard, he soon became convinced of 
the groundlessness of his suspicion, and the troop was a 
short time afterwards reinstated. 

On the other bank of the Rhine next to the Batavi, in 
the modern Kennemer district (North Hol- 
land beyond Amsterdam), dwelt the Cannene- 
fates, closely related to them but less numerous ; they are 
not merely named among the tribes subjugated by Ti- 
berius, but were also treated like the Batavi in the fur- 
nishing of soldiers. The Frisians, adjoining 


these further on, in the coast district that is 
still named after them, as far as the lower Ems, sub- 
mitted to Drusus and obtained a position similar to that 
of the Batavi. There was imposed on them instead of 
tribute simply the delivery of a number of bullocks' hides 
for the wants of the army ; on the other hand they had 
to furnish comparatively large numbers of men for the 
Roman service. They were the most faithful allies of 
Drusus, as afterwards of Germanicus, useful to him in 
constructing canals as well as especially after the unfort- 
unate North Sea expeditions (p. 58). They were fol- 
lowed on the east by the Chauci, a widelv 

Chauci. J 

extended tribe of sailors and fishermen along 
the coast of the North Sea on both sides of the Weser, 
perhaps from the Ems to the Elbe ; they were brought 
into subjection to the Romans by Drusus at the same 
time with the Frisians, but not, like these, without re- 
sistance. All these Germanic coast tribes submitted 


Roman Germany. [BookVHI. 

either by agreement or at any rate without any severe 
struggle to the new rule, and as they had taken no part 
in the rising of the Cherusci, they still continued after 
the battle of Varus in their earlier relations to the Eoman 
empire ; even from the more remote cantons of the Fri- 
sians and the Chauci the garrisons were not at that time 
withdrawn, and the latter still furnished a contingent to 
the campaigns of Germanicus. On the renewed evacua- 
tion of Germany in the year 17 the poor and distant land 
of the Chauci, difficult of protection, seems certainly to 
have been given up ; at least there are no later evidences 
of the continuance of the Koman dominion there, and 
some decades later we find them independent. But all 
the land westward of the lower Ems remained with the 
empire, whose boundary thus included the modern Neth- 
erlands. The defence of this part of the imperial fron- 
tier against the Germans not belonging to the empire was 
left in the main to the subject maritime cantons them- 

Farther up the stream a different course was taken ; 

a frontier-road was here marked off, and the 
^TonSer^on land lvin g between it and the Ehine was de- 
Rhin° wer populated. With the frontier-road drawn at 

a greater or less distance from the Rhine, 
the Limes, 1 was associated the control of frontier-inter- 

1 Limes (from limus, across) is a technical expression foreign to 
the state of things under our [German] law, and hence not to be 
reproduced in our language, derived from the fact that the Roman 
division of land, which excludes all natural boundaries, separates 
the squares, into which the ground coming under the head of pri- 
vate property is divided, by intermediate paths of a definite breadth ; 
these intermediate paths are the limites, and so far the word always 
denotes at once the boundary drawn by man's hand, and the road 
constructed by man's hand. The word retains this double signifi- 
cation even in application to the state (Rudorff, Orom. Inst. p. 
289, puts the matter incorrectly) ; limes is not every imperial fron- 
tier, but only that which is marked out by human hands, and ar- 
ranged at the same time for being patrolled and having posts sta- 
tioned for frontier-defence ( Vita Hadriani, 12 ; locis in quibus 
barbari non fluminibus^ sed Umitibus dividuntur), such as we find in 

Chap. IV.] 

Roman Germany. 


course, as the crossing of this road was forbidden alto- 
gether by night, and, as regards armed men, by day, and 
was permitted in the case of others, as a rule, only under 
special precautions for security and on payment of the 
prescribed transit-dues. Such a road was drawn oppo- 
site to the headquarters on the lower Rhine, in what is 
now Minister, by Tiberius after the disaster of Varus, at 

Germany and in Africa. Therefore there are applied to the laying- 
out of this limes the terms that serve to designate the construction 
of roads, aperire (Velleius, ii. 121, which is not to be understood, 
as Miillenhoff, Zeitschr. f. d. Alterth., new series, ii. p. 32, would 
have it, like our opening of a turnpike), munire, agere (Frontinus, 
Stmt. i. 3, 10 : limitibus per cxx m. p. actis). Therefore the limes 
is not merely a longitudinal line, but also of a certain breadth (Tac- 
itus, Ann. i. 50 ; castra in limite locat). Hence the construction of 
the limes is often combined with that of the agger — that is, of the 
road-embankment (Tacitus, Ann. ii. 7: cuncta novis limitibus 
aggeribusque permunita), and the shifting of it with the transfer- 
ence of frontier-posts (Tacitus, Germ. 29 : limite acto promotisque 
praesidiis). The Limes is thus the imperial frontier-road, destined 
for the regulation of frontier-intercourse, inasmuch as the crossing 
of it was allowed only at certain points corresponding to the bridges 
of the river boundary, and elsewhere forbidden. This was doubt- 
less effected in the first instance by patrolling the line, and, so 
long as this was done, the limes remained a boundary road. It re- 
mained so too, when it was fortified on both sides, as was done in 
Britain and at the mouth of the Danube ; the Britannic wall is also 
termed limes (p. 201, note 1). Posts might also be stationed at the 
allowed points of crossing, and the intervening spaces of the fron- 
tier-roads might be in some way rendered impassable. In this 
sense the biographer of Hadrian says in the above-quoted passage 
that at the limites he stipitibus magnis in modum muralis saepis 
funditus iactis atque conexis barbaros separavit. By this means the 
frontier-road was converted into a frontier-barricade provided with 
certain passages through it, and such was the limes of upper Ger- 
many in the developed shape to be set forth in the sequel. We 
may add that the word is not used with this special import in the 
time of the republic ; and beyond doubt this conception of the limes 
only originated with the institution of the chain of posts enclosing 
the state, where natural boundaries were wanting — a protection of 
the imperial frontier, which was foreign to the republic, but was 
the foundation of the Augustan military system, and above all, of 
the Augustan system of tolls. 


Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

some distance from the Rhine, seeing that between it and 
the river stretched the " Caesian forest," the more pre- 
cise position of which is not known. Similar arrange- 
ments must have been made at the same time in the 
valleys of the Kuhr and the Sieg as far as that of the 
Wied, where the province of the lower Rhine ended. 
This road did not necessarily require to be militarily 
occupied and arranged for defence, although of course 
the defence of the frontier and the fortification of it 
always aimed at making the frontier-road as far as pos- 
sible secure. A chief means for protecting the frontier 
was the depopulation of the tract of land between the 
river and the road. " The tribes on the right bank of 
the Rhine," says a well-informed author of the time of 
Tiberius, " have been in part transferred by the Romans 
to the left bank, in part withdrawn of their own accord 
into the interior." This applied, in what is now the 
Mimster country, to the Germanic stocks earlier settled 
there of the Usipes, Tencteri, Tubantes. In the cam- 
paigns of Germanicus these appear dislodged from the 
Rhine, but still in the region of the Lippe, afterwards, 
probably in consequence of those very expeditions, far- 
ther southward opposite to Mentz. Their old home lay 
thenceforth desolate, and formed the extensive pasture- 
country reserved for the herds of the lower Germanic 
army, on which in the year 58 first the Frisii and then 
the Amsivarii, wandering homeless, thought of settling, 
without being able to procure leave from the Roman 
authorities to do so. Farther to the south at least a 
portion of the Sugambri, who likewise were subjected 
in great part to the same treatment, remained settled on 
the right bank, 1 while other smaller tribes were wholly 

1 The Sugambri transplanted to the left bank are not subse- 
quently mentioned under this name, and are probably the Cugerni 
dwelling below Cologne on the Rhine. But that the Sugambri on 
the right bank, whom Strabo mentions, were at least still in exist- 
ence at the time of Claudius, is shown by the cohort named after 
this emperor, and thus certainly formed under him, doubtless of 

Chap. IV.] Roman Germany. 


dislodged. The scanty population tolerated within the 
Limes were, as a matter of course, subjects of the empire, 
as is confirmed by the Roman levy taking place among 
the Sugambri. 

In this way matters were arranged on the lower Rhine 
after the abandonment of the more compre- 
Sw PrSilmd nen sive projects, and thus a not inconsider- 
ci h au U cUus nder al:)le terr it° r y on the right bank was still 
held by the Romans. But various inconve- 
nient complications arose in connection with it. Towards 
the end of the reign of Tiberius (28) the Frisians, in 
consequence of intolerable oppression in the levying of 
tribute in itself small, revolted from the empire, slew the 
people employed in levying it, and besieged the Roman 
commandant acting there, with the rest of the Roman 
soldiers and civilians sojourning in the territory, in the 
fortress of Flevum, where, previous to the extension of 
the Zuyder See that took place in the Middle Ages, lay the 
eastmost mouth of the Rhine, near the modern island 
Vlieland beside the Texel. The rising assumed such 
proportions that both armies of the Rhine marched in 
concert against the Frisians ; but still the governor Lucius 
Apronius accomplished nothing. The Frisians gave up 
the siege of the fortress, when the Roman fleet brought up 
the legions ; but it was difficult to get near the Frisians 
themselves in a country so much intersected ; several 
Roman corps were destroyed in detail, and the Roman 
advanced guard was so thoroughly defeated that even the 
dead bodies of the fallen were left in the power of the 
enemy. The matter was not brought to a decisive ac- 
tion, nor yet to a true subjugation ; Tiberius, the older 
he grew, became ever less inclined to larger enterprises, 
which gave to the general in command a position of 

Sugambri (G. I. L. iii. p. 877) ; and they, as well as the four other 
probably Augustan cohorts of this name, confirm what Strabo also 
in a strict sense says, that these Sugambri belonged to the Roman 
empire. They disappeared doubtless, like the Mattiaci, only amidst 
the tempests of the migration of nations. 


Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

power. With this state of things was connected the fact 
that in the immediately succeeding years the neighbours 
of the Frisians, the Chauci, became very troublesome to 
the Eomans ; in the year 41 the governor Publius Ga- 
binius Secundus had to undertake an expedition against 
them, and six years later (47) they even pillaged far and 
wide the coast of Gaul with their light piratical vessels 
under the leadership of the Roman deserter Gannascus, 
by birth one of the Cannenefates. Gnaeus Domitius Cor- 
bulo, nominated governor of Lower Germany by Clau- 
dius, put a stop to the doings of these forerunners of the 
Saxons and Normans, and thereupon vigorously brought 
back the Frisians to obedience, by organising anew their 
commonwealth and stationing a Roman garrison among 

Corbulo had the intention of chastising the Chauci also ; 

at his instigation Gannascus was put out of . 
of h the C Sf ° n tn e way— against a deserter he held himself 
doned aban entitled to take this course — and he was on 

the point of crossing the Ems and advancing 
into the country of the Chauci, when not only did he re- 
ceive counter-orders from Rome, but the Roman govern- 
ment in general completely altered its attitude on the 
lower Rhine. The emperor Claudius directed the gover- 
nor to remove all Roman garrisons from the right bank. 
We may well conceive that the imperial general with bit- 
ter words commended the good fortune of the free com- . 
manders of Rome in former days ; in this step certainly 
there was a conclusive admission of defeat, which had 
been but partially owned after the battle of Varus. Prob- 
ably this restriction of the Roman occupation of Germany, 
which was not occasioned by any pressure of immediate 
necessity, was called forth by the resolve just then adopted 
to occupy Britain, and finds its justification in the fact that 
the troops were not sufficient for accomplishing both ob- 
jects at once. That the order was executed, and matters 
remained afterwards in that position, is proved by the 
absence of Roman military inscriptions on the whole righ* 

Chap. IV.] 

Roman Germany. 


bank of the lower Rhine. 1 Only isolated points for cross- 
ing and sally-ports, such as, in particular, Deutz opposite 
Cologne, formed exceptions from this general rule. The 
military road keeps here to the left bank aud strictly to 
the course of the Rhine, while the traffic-route running 
behind it, cutting off the windings, pursues the straight 
line of communication. Here on the right bank of the 
Rhine there is no evidence of Roman military roads, ei- 
ther through the discovery of milestones or otherwise. 
The withdrawal of the garrisons did not imply giving 

up possession, strictly speaking, of the right 
po 8 Son equent bank in this province. It was looked upon 

by the Romans thenceforth somewhat as the 
commandant of a fortress looks upon the ground that 
lies under his cannon. The Cannenefates and at least a 
part of the Frisians 2 were afterwards subject, as before, 
to the empire. We have already remarked that subse- 
quently in the Minister country the herds of the legions 
still pastured, and the Germans were not allowed to settle 
there. But the government thenceforth relied — for the 

1 The fortress of Niederbiber, not far from the point at which 
the Wied falls into the Rhine, as well as that of Arzbach, near 
Montabaur, in the region of the Lahn, belong to upper Germany. 
The special significance of the former stronghold, the largest for- 
tress in upper Germany, turned on the fact that it. in a military 
point of view, closed the Roman lines on the right bank of the 

2 The levies (Fp7i. Epigr. v. p. 274) require us to assume this, 
while the Frisians, as they come forward in the year 58 (Tacitus, 
Ann. xiii. 54) rather appear independent ; the elder Pliny also (II. 
jV". xxv. 3, 22) under Vespasian names them, looking back to the 
time of Germanic us, as gens turn fida. Probably this is connected 
with the distinction between the Frisii and Frisiawnes in Pliny, 
H. N. iv. 15, 101, and between the Frisii maiores and minores in 
Tacitus, Germ. 34. The Frisians that remained Roman would be 
the western ; the free, the eastern ; if the Frisians generally reach 
as far as the Ems (Ptolem. iii. 11, 7), those subsequently Roman 
may have settled perhaps to the westward of the Yssel. We may 
not put them elsewhere than on the coast that still bears their 
name ; the designation in Pliny, iv. 17, 106, stands isolated, and is 
beyond doubt incorrect. 


Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

defence of such border- territory on the right bank as 
still existed in this province — in the north on the Can- 
nenefates and the Frisians, and farther up the stream 
substantially on the space left desolate ; and, if it did not 
directly forbid, at any rate did not give scope to Roman 
settlement there. The altar stone of a private person 
found at Altenberg (circuit of Mtilheim), on the river 
Dhiin, is almost the only evidence of Eoman inhabitants 
in these regions. This is the more remarkable, as the 
prosperity of Cologne would, if special hindrances had not 
here stood in the way, have of itself carried Roman civilisa- 
tion far and wide on the other bank. Often enough Ro- 
man troops may have traversed these extensive regions, 
perhaps even have kept the roads — which were here laid 
out in large number during the Augustan period — in 
some measure passable, and possibly laid out new ones ; 
sparse settlers, partly remains of the old Germanic popu- 
lation, partly colonists from the empire, may have settled 
here, similar to those that we shall soon find in the earlier 
imperial period on the right bank of the upper Rhine ; 
but the highways, like the possessions, lacked the stamp 
of durability. There was no wish to undertake here a 
labour of similar extent and difficulty to that which we 
shall become acquainted with further on in the upper 
province, or to provide here, as was done there, military 
defence and fortification for the frontier of the empire. 
Therefore the lower Rhine was crossed doubtless by 
Roman rule, but not, like the upper Rhine, also by Roman 

For the double task of keeping the neighbouring Gaul 
in obedience and of keeping the Germans of 

Gaulln U dG e n r- in the ri g ht bank al °° f fr ° m Gau1 ' the ° f 

many after the tfae i OW er Rhine would, even after abandon- 

fall of Nero. 

ing the occupation of the region on the right 
of the river, have quite sufficed, and the peace without 
and within would not presumably have been interrupted, 
had not the downfall of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, and 
the civil or rather military war thereby called forth, ex- 

Chap. IV.] Roman Germany. 

ercised a momentous influence on these relations. The 
insurrection of the Celtic land under the leadership of 
Vindex was no doubt defeated by the two Germanic 
armies ; but Nero's fall nevertheless ensued, and when 
the Spanish army as well as the imperial guard in Eome 
appointed a successor to him, the armies of the Ehine did 
the same ; and in the beginning of the year 69 the greater 
portion of these troops crossed the Alps to settle the point 
on the battle-fields of Italy, whether its ruler was to be 
called Marcus or Aulus. In May of the same year the 
new emperor Vitellius followed, after arms had decided in 
his favour, accompanied by the remainder of the good 
soldiers inured to war. The blanks in the garrisons of 
the Ehine were no doubt filled up for the exigency by 
recruits hastily levied in Gaul ; but the whole land knew 
that they were not the old legions, and it soon became 
apparent that these were not coming back. If the new 
ruler had had in his power the army that placed him on 
the throne, at least a portion of them must have returned 
to the Ehine immediately after the defeat of Otho in 
April ; but the insubordination of the soldiers still more 
than the new complication which soon set in with the pro- 
clamation of Vespasian as emperor in the East, retained 
the German legions in Italy. 

Gaul was in the most fearful excitement. The rising 

of Vindex was, as we formerly remarked (p. 
fhe^surrection^ 89), in itself directed not against the rule of 

Eome but against the rulers for the time 
being ; but it was none the less on that account a war- 
fare between the armies of the Ehine and the levy en 
masse of the great majority of the Celtic cantons ; and 
these were none the less subjected to pillage and mal- 
treatment resembling that of the conquered. The tone 
of feeling which subsisted between the provincials and the 
soldiers was shown, for instance, by the treatment which 
the canton of the Helvetii experienced as the troops des- 
tined for Italy marched through it. Because a courier 
despatched by the adherents of Vitellius to Pannonia 


Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

bad here been seized, tbe columns on tbe march from 
the one side, and the Romans stationed as a garrison in 
Raetia on the other, entered the canton, pillaged the vil- 
lages far and wide, particularly what is now Baden near 
Zurich, chased those who had fled to the mountains out 
of their lurking-places, and put them to death by thou- 
sands or sold the captives under martial law. Although 
the capital Aventicum (Avenches, near Murten) submitted 
without resistance, the agitators of the army demanded 
that it should be razed, and all that the general granted 
was that the question should be referred not somehow to 
the emperor, but to the soldiers of the great headquar- 
ters ; these sat in judgment on the fate of the town, and 
it was merely the turn of their caprice that saved the place 
from destruction. Outrages of this nature brought the 
provincials to extremities ; even before Vitellius left Gaul, 
a certain Mariccus, from the canton of the Boii, dependent 
on the Haedui, came forward a god on earth, as he said, 
and destined to restore the freedom of the Celts ; and 
people flocked in troops to his banner. But the exas- 
peration in the Celtic country was not of so very great 
moment. The very rising of Vindex had most clearly 
shown how utterly incapable the Gauls were of releasing 
themselves from the Roman embrace. 

But the tone of feeling of the Germanic districts reck- 
oned as belonging to Gaul — in the modern 
Batavian aux- Netherlands — of the Batavi, the Canuenefates, 
the Frisians, whose distinctive position has 
already been dwelt on, had a somewhat greater impor- 
tance ; and it happened that, on the one hand, these very 
tribes had been exasperated to the utmost, and on the 
other, that their contingents were accidentally to be found 
in Gaul. The bulk of the Batavian troops, 8000 men. 
assigned to the 14th legion, had for a considerable time 
a place along with the latter in the army of the upper 
Rhine, and had then under Claudius, on occasion of the 
occupying of Britain, gone to that island, where this corps 
shortly before had, by its incomparable valour, gained the 

Chap. IV.] Roman Germany. 


decisive battle under Paullinus for the Romans ; from 
this day onward it occupied indisputably the first place 
among all the divisions of the Roman army. When it 
was recalled on account of this very distinction by Nero, 
in order to go off with him to the war in the East, the rev- 
olution breaking out in Gaul had brought about a quarrel 
between the legion and its auxiliary troops ; the former, 
faithfully devoted to Nero, hastened to Italy ; the Batavi, 
on the other hand, refused to follow. Perhaps this was 
connected with the fact that two of their most noted of- 
ficers, the brothers Paulus and Civilis, had, 
without any reason and without respect to 
many years of faithful service and honourable wounds, been 
shortly before put on trial as suspected of high treason, 
and the former executed, the latter placed in captivity. 
After the downfall of Nero, to which the revolt of the Ba- 
tavian cohorts had materially contributed, Galba released 
Civilis and sent the Batavians back to their old headquar- 
ters in Britain. While they, on the march thither, were 
encamped among the Lingones (Langres), the legions 
of the Rhine revolted from Galba and proclaimed Vitel- 
lius emperor. The Batavi, after considerable hesita- 
tion, ultimately joined the movement ; Vitellius did 
dot forgive them for this hesitation, but did not venture 
directly to call to account the leader of the powerful 

Thus the Batavians had marched with the legions of 
lower Germany to Italy and had fought with 
m r o?ement fthe tneir usual valour in the battle of Betriacum 
for Vitellius, while their old legionary com- 
rades confronted them in the army of Otho. But the ar- 
rogance of the Germans exasperated their Roman com- 
rades in victory, however much these acknowledged their 
valour in battle ; the very generals in command did not 
trust them, and even made an attempt to divide by detach- 
ing them — a course, which, in this war, where the soldiers 
commanded and the generals obeyed, was not capable of 
being carried out, and had almost cost the general his life. 


Homan Germany. [Book VIII. 

After the victory they were commissioned to accompany 
their hostile comrades of the 14th legion to Britain ; but 
when matters came to a skirmish between the two at 
Turin, the latter alone went to Britain, and the Batavians 
to Germany. Meanwhile Vespasian had been proclaimed 
emperor in the East, and, while in consequence of this Vi- 
tellius gave to the Batavian cohorts marching orders for 
Italy as well as ordered new comprehensive levies among 
the Batavi, commissioners of Vespasian opened communi- 
cations with the Batavian officers to hinder this departure, 
and to provoke in Germany itself a rising which should 
detain the troops there. Civilis entered into the suggest- 
ion. He resorted to his home, and gained easily the as- 
sent of his own people as well as the neighbouring Can- 
nenefates and Frisians. The insurrection broke out among 
the former ; the camps of the two cohorts in the neighbour- 
hood were surprised and the Roman posts seized ; the 
Roman recruits fought ill ; soon Civilis with his cohort 
— which he had caused to follow, ostensibly to employ 
it against the insurgents — threw himself openly into 
the movement, along with the three Germanic cantons 
renounced allegiance to Vitellius, and summoned the 
other Batavians and Cannenefates, who just then were 
breaking up from Mentz for the march to Italy, to join 

All this was more a soldiers' rising than an insurrection 
of the province, or even a Germanic war. If 
at that time the Rhine legions were fighting 
with those of the Danube, and further with these and the 
army of the Euphrates, it was but in keeping that the sol- 
diers of the second class, and above all their most distin- 
guished troop, the Batavian, should enter independently 
into this divisional warfare. Any one who compares this 
movement among the cohorts of the Batavians and the 
Germans on the left of the Rhine with the insurrection of 
those on the right bank of the Rhine under Augustus, may 
not overlook the fact, that in the later rising the alae and 
cohorts took up the part of the general levy of the Che- 

Chap. IV.] Roman Germany. 


rusci ; and, if the perfidious officer of Varus released his 
nation from the Roman rule, the Batavian leader acted in 
the commission of Vespasian ; in fact, perhaps, on the se- 
cret directions of the governor of his province privately 
inclined towards Vespasian, and the rising in the first in- 
stance was directed simply against Vitellius. It is true 
that the position of things was such that this soldier's re- 
volt might change itself at any moment into a German 
war of the most dangerous kind. The same Roman troops 
who covered the Ehine against the Germans of the right 
bank were, in consequence of the corps-warfare, placed 
in an attitude of hostility to the Germans on the left bank ; 
the parts were of such a nature, that it seemed almost 
easier to exchange them than to carry them out. Civilis 
himself may possibly have left it to depend on the sequel 
whether the movement would end in a change of emperor 
or in the expulsion of the Romans from Gaul by the Ger- 

The command of the two armies on the Rhine was held 
at this time, after the governor of lower Ger- 

State of the ar- .. _ .. . „ 

mies on the many had been made emperor, by his tormer 
colleague in upper Germany, Hordeonius 
Flaccus, a gouty man advanced in years, without energy 
and without authority, either, moreover, in fact secretly 
holding to Vespasian, or at any rate very much suspected 
of such faithlessness by the legions, who zealously adhered 
to the emperor of their own making. It is characteristic 
of him and of his position that, to clear himself of the sus- 
picion of treason, he gave orders that the government de- 
spatches on arrival should be sent unopened to the eagle- 
bearers of the legions, and these should read them in the 
first instance to the soldiers, before they forwarded them 
to their address. Of the four legions of the lower army 
which had primarily to do with the insurgents two, the 
5th and the 15th, were stationed under the legate Munius 
Lupercus in the headquarters at Vetera ; the 16th, under 
Numisius Rufus, in Novaesium (Neuss) ; the 1st, under 
Herennius Gallus, in Bonna (Bonn). Of the upper army, 


Roman Germany. [BookVIII. 

which then numbered only three legions, 1 one, the 21st, 

remained in its stated quarters Vindonissa, aloof from 

these events, if it had not rather been drawn off wholly 

to Italy ; the two others, the 4th Macedonian and the 22d, 

were stationed at the headquarters Mentz, where Flaccus 

also was present ; and in point of fact, his able legate Dil- 

lius Vocula exercised the chief command. The legions 

had throughout only half of their full complement, and 

most of the soldiers were half-invalids or recruits. 

Civilis, at the head of a small number of regular troops, 

but of the collective levy of the Batavi, Can- 
First conflicts. „ . _ . . _ n -a . 

neneiates, and Frisians, advanced irom his 
home to the attack. In the first instance, on the Bhine he 
met with remnants of the Koman garrisons driven from 
the northern cantons and a division of the Eoman Ehenish 
fleet ; when he attacked them, not merely did the ships' 
crews, consisting in great part of Batavians, go over to 
him, but also a cohort of the Tungri — it was the first re- 
volt of a Gallic division ; such Italian soldiers as were 
present were slain or taken prisoners. This success 
brought at length the Germans on the right of the Bhine 

into the movement. What they had long 
ttTeGSnnansoa vainly hoped for — the rising of the Boman 
Rhine ght ° f the subjects on the other bank — now came to be 

fulfilled, and as well the Chauci and the Fri- 
sians on the coast, as above all, the Bructeri on both sides 
of the upper Ems as far down as the Lippe, the Tencteri 
on the middle Bhine opposite to Cologne, and in lesser 
measure the tribes adjoining these on the south — Usipes, 
Mattiaci, Chatti — threw themselves into the struggle. 
When, on the orders of Flaccus, the two weak legions 
marched out from Vetera against the insurgents, these 
could already confront them with a numerous contingent 
drawn from beyond the Bhine ; and the battle ended, like 
the combat on the Bhine, with a defeat of the Bomans 

1 The fourth upper German legion was sent in the year 58 to Asia 
Minor on account of the Armeno-Parthian war (Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 

Ohap. IV.] Roman Germany. 


through the defection of the Batavian cavalry, which 
belonged to the garrison of Vetera, and through the bad 
behaviour of the cavalry of the Ubii and of the Treveri. 
The insurgents and the Germans who flocked to them 
proceeded to invest and besiege the headquar- 
siege of Vetera. ^ ^ e i ower arm y. During this siege 

news of the events on the lower Rhine reached the other 
Batavian cohorts in the neighbourhood of Mentz ; they at 
once wheeled round towards the north. Instead of order- 
ing them to be cut down, the weak-minded commander- 
in-chief allowed them to go, and when the commandant 
of the legion in Bonn sought to intercept them, Flaccus 
did not support him as he might have done and had even 
at first promised. So the brave Germans dispersed the 
Bonn legion and succeeded in joining Civilis — henceforth 
the compact core of his army, in which now the banners 
of the Roman cohorts stood by the side of the animal- 
standards from the sacred groves of the Germans. Bat 
still the Batavian held, at least ostensibly, by Vespasian ; 
he swore in the Roman troops in Vespasian's name, and 
summoned the garrison of Vetera to join him in declaring 
for the latter. These troops, however, saw in this, prob- 
ably with warrant, a mere attempt to overreach them, and 
repelled it as resolutely as they repelled the assailing hosts 
of the enemy, who soon found themselves compelled by 
the superiority of Roman tactics to change the siege into 
a blockade. But, as the leaders of the Roman army had 
been taken by surprise in these events, provisions were 
scarce and speedy relief was urgently called for. In order 
to bring it, Flaccus and Vocula set out with their whole 
force from Mentz, drew to themselves on the way the two 
legions from Bonna and Novaesium as well as the auxiliary 
troops of the Gallic cantons appearing at the word of com- 
mand in large numbers, and approached Vetera. 

But instead of throwing at once the whole force from 
within and without on the besiegers, however 
great their superiority in numbers, Vocula 
pitched his camp at Gelduba (Gellep on the Rhine, not far 


Roman Germany. [BookVIII. 

from Krefeld) a long day's march distant from Vetera, 
while Flaccus lay farther back. The worthlessness of the 
so-called general and the ever increasing demoralisation of 
the troops, above all, the distrust towards the officers, which 
frequently went so far as to maltreat and attempt to kill 
them, can alone at least explain this halting. Thus the 
mischief gradually thickened on all sides. All Germany 
seemed desirous to take part in the war ; while the be- 
sieging army constantly obtained new contingents from 
that quarter, other bands passed over the Rhine, which in 
this dry summer was unusually low, partly in the rear of 
the Romans into the cantons of the Ubii and the Treveri 
to lay waste the valley of the Moselle, partly below Vetera 
into the region of the Maas and the Scheldt ; further 
bands appeared before Mentz and made pretext of be- 
sieging it. Then came the accounts of the catastrophe 
in Italy. On the news of the second battle at Betriacum 
in the autumn of the year 69 the Germanic legions gave up 
the cause of Vitellius as lost and took the oath, though re- 
luctantly, to Vespasian, perhaps in the hope that Civilis, 
who had in fact inscribed the name of Vespasian on his 
banners, would then make his peace. But the German 
swarms, who had meanwhile poured themselves over all 
northers Gaul, had not come to install the Flavian dynas- 
ty ; even if Civilis had ever wished this, he now had no 
longer the power. He threw off the mask, and openly ex- 
pressed — what indeed was long settled — that the Germans 
of north Gaul intended, with the help of their free coun- 
trymen, to shake off the Roman rule. 

But the fortune of war changed. Civilis attempted to 
surprise the camp of Gelduba ; the attack be- 
Reiief of Vetera. successfully, and the defection of the 
cohorts of the Nervii brought Vocula's little band into a 
critical position. Then suddenly two Spanish cohorts fell 
on the rear of the Germans ; what threatened to be a de- 
feat was converted into a brilliant victory ; the flower of the 
assailing army remained on the field of battle. Vocula in- 
deed did not advance at once against Vetera, as he possibly 

Chap. IV. J Roman Germany. 147 

might have done, but he penetrated into the besieged 
town some days later after a renewed vehement conflict 
with the enemy. It is true that he brought no provisions ; 
and, as the river was in the power of the enemy, these had 
to be procured by the land-route from Novaesium, where 
Flaccus was encamped. The first convoy passed through ; 
but the enemy, having meanwnile assembled again, at- 
tacked the second column with provisions on its way, and 
compelled it to throw itself into Gelduba. Vocula went 
off thither to its support with his troops and a part of the 
old garrison of Vetera. When they had arrived at Gel- 
duba, the men refused to return to Vetera and to take upon 
themselves the further sufferings of the siege in prospect ; 
instead of this they marched to Novaesium, and Vocula, 
who knew that the remnant of the old garrison of Vetera was 
in some measure provisioned, had for good or evil to follow. 
In Novaesium meanwhile mutiny had broken out. The 

soldiers had come to learn that a largess des- 
mantooops Ro " tined for ihem h J Vitellius had reached the 

general, and compelled its distribution in the 
name of Vespasian. They had scarcely received it, when, 
in the wild carousing which ensued upon the largess, the 
old grudge of the soldiers broke out afresh ; they pillaged 
the house of the general who had betrayed the army of 
the Khine to the general of the Syrian legions, slew him, 
and would have prepared the same fate for Vocula, if the 
latter had not escaped in disguise. Thereupon they once 
more proclaimed Vitellius emperor, not knowing that he 
was already dead. When this news came to the camp, 
the better part of the soldiers, and in particular the two 
upper German legions, began in some measure to reflect ; 
they again exchanged the efligy of Vitellius on their stand- 
ards for that of Vespasian, and placed themselves under 
the orders of Vocula ; he led them to Mentz, where he re- 
mained during the rest of the winter 69-70. Civilis occu- 
pied Gelduba, and thereby cut off Vetera, which was most 
closely blockaded ; the camps of Novaesium and Bonna 
were still held. 


Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

Hitherto the Gallic land, apart from the few insurgent 
Germanic cantons in the north, had kept firmly 
insurrection in by Roma Certainly partisanship ran through 
the several cantons ; among the Tungri, for 
example, the Batavi had a strong body of adherents, and 
the bad behaviour of the Gallic auxiliary troops during the 
whole campaign may probably have been in part called 
forth by such a temper of hostility to the Komans. But 
even among the insurgents there was a considerable party 
favourably disposed to Kome ; a Batavian of note, Clau- 
dius Labeo, waged a partisan warfare not without success 
against his countrymen in his home and its neighbour- 
hood, and the nephew of Civilis, Julius Briganticus, fell 
in one of these combats at the head of a band of Roman 
horse. All the Gallic cantons had without more ado com- 
plied with the injunction to send contingents ; the Ubii, 
although of Germanic descent, were in this war mindful 
simply of their Romanism, and they as well as the Treveri 
had offered brave and successful resistance to the Germans 
invading their territory. It is easy to understand how 
this was so. The position of things in Gaul was still much 
as it was in the days of Caesar and Ariovistus ; a liberation 
of their Gallic home from the Roman dominion by means 
of those hordes, which, in order to lend to Civilis the help 
of his countrymen, were just then pillaging the valleys of 
the Moselle, Maas, and Scheldt, was tantamount to a sur- 
render of the land to its Germanic neighbours ; in this 
war, which had grown out of a feud between two corps of 
Roman troops into a conflict between Rome and Germany, 
the Gauls were, properly speaking, nothing but the stake 
and the booty. That the tone of feeling among the Gauls, 
in spite of all their well-founded general and special com- 
plaints as to the Roman government, was predominantly 
anti-Germanic, and that the materials for kindling such a 
national rising suddenly bursting into flame and reckless 
of consequences, as had spread through the people in an 
earlier time, were wanting in this Gaul now half-Roman- 
ised, events up to this time had most clearly shown. But 

Chap. IV.] Moman Germany. 149 

amidst the constant misfortunes of the Eoman army the 
courage of the Gauls hostile to the Romans gradually 
grew stronger, and their defection completed the catas- 
trophe. Two Treveri of note, Julius Classicus, the com- 
mander of the Treverian cavalry, and Julius Tutor, com- 
mandant of the garrisons on the banks of the middle 
Rhine, Julius Sabinus one of the Lingones, descended, as 
he at least boasted, from a bastard of Caesar, and some 
other men of like mind from different cantons, professed 
in thoughtless Celtic fashion to discern that the destruc- 
tion of Rome was written in the stars and announced to 
the world by the burning of the Capitol (Dec. 69). 

So they resolved to set aside the Roman rule and to set 
up a Gallic empire. For this purpose they 
The Game em- took thf} courge of A^m^us. Vocula allowed 

himself to be really induced by falsified re- 
ports of these Roman officers to set out, with the contin- 
gents placed under their command and a part of the Mentz 
garrison, in the spring of 70 for the lower Rhine, in order 
with these troops and the legions of Bonna and Novaesium 
to relieve the hard-pressed Vetera. On the march from 
Novaesium to Vetera, Classicus and the officers in concert 
with him left the Roman army and proclaimed the new 
Gallic empire. Vocula led the legions back to Novaesi- 
um ; Classicus pitched his camp immediately in front of 
it. Vetera could not now hold out long ; the Romans 
could not but expect after its fall to find themselves con- 
fronted by the whole power of the enemy. 

The Roman troops refused to face this prospect and en- 
tered into a capitulation with the revolted of- 
the P RomS! ° f ncers - In vain Vocula attempted once more 
to urge the ties of discipline and of honour ; 
the legions of Rome allowed a Roman deserter from the 
1st legion to stab the brave general on the order of Clas- 
sicus, and themselves delivered up the other chief officers 
in chains to the representative of the empire of Gaul, who 
thereupon made the soldiers swear allegiance to that em- 
pire. The same oath was taken at the hands of the per- 

150 Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

fidious officers by the garrison of Vetera, which, compelled 
by famine, at once surrendered, and likewise by the gar- 
rison of Mentz, where but a few individuals avoided dis- 
grace by flight or death. The whole proud army of the 
Rhine, the first army of the empire, had surrendered to 
its own auxiliaries ; Rome had surrendered to Gaul. 

It was a tragedy, and at the same time a farce. The 
Gallic empire lapsed, as it could not fail to do. 
End of the oai- Oivilis and his Germans were doubtless, in 

lie empire. ' 

the first instance, well content that the quar- 
rel in the Roman camp delivered the one as well as the 
other half of their foes into their hands ; but he had no 
thought of recognising that empire, and still less had his 
allies from the right bank of the Rhine. 

As little would the Gauls themselves have anything to 
do with it— a result, to which certainly the split between 
the eastern districts and the rest of the country, which 
had already become apparent at the rising of Vindex, 
materially contributed. The Treveri and the Lingones, 
whose leading men had instigated that camp-conspiracy, 
stood by their leaders, but they remained virtually alone ; 
only the Vangiones and Triboci joined them. The Se- 
quani, into whose territory the Lingones marched to in- 
duce their accession, drove them summarily homeward. 
The esteemed Remi, the leading canton in Belgica, con- 
voked the diet of the three Gauls, and, although there was 
no lack there of orators on behalf of political freedom, it 
resolved simply to dissuade the Treveri from the revolt. 
How the constitution of the new empire would have turned 
out, had it been established, it is difficult to say ; we learn 
only that Sabinus, the great-grandson of Caesar's concu- 
bine, named himself also Caesar, and in this capacity 
allowed himself to be beaten by the Sequani ; whereas Clas- 
sicus, who had not such ascendency at his command, as- 
sumed the insignia of Roman magistracy, and thus played 
perhaps the part of republican proconsul. In keeping 
with this there exists a coin, which must have been struck 
by Classicus or his adherents, exhibiting the head of Gal- 

Chap. IV.] Roman Germany. 


lia, as the coins of the Roman republic show that of Roma, 
and by its side the symbol of the legion, with the genuine- 
ly audacious legend of " fidelity " {fides). At first, doubt- 
less, on the Rhine the imperialists, in concert with the in- 
surgent Germans, had full freedom. The remnants of the 
two legions that had capitulated in Vetera were put to 
death, in opposition to the expostulation and to the will 
of Civilis ; the two from Novaesium and Bonna were sent 
to Treves ; all the Roman camps on the Rhine, large and 
small, with the exception of Mogontiacum, were burnt. 
The Agrippinenses found themselves in the worst plight. 
The imperialists had certainly confined themselves to re- 
quiring from them the oath of allegiance ; but the Ger- 
mans in this case did not forget that they were, properly 
speaking, the Ubii. A message of the Tencteri from the 
right bank of the Rhine — this was one of the tribes whose 
old home the Romans had laid desolate and used as past- 
ure-ground, and which had in consequence of this been 
obliged to seek other abodes — demanded the razing of this 
chief seat of the Germanic apostates, and the execution of 
all their citizens of Roman descent. This would probably 
have been resolved on had not Civilis, who was personally 
under obligation to them, as well as the German prophet- 
ess Veleda in the canton of the Bructeri, who had pre- 
dicted this victory, and whose authority the whole insur- 
gent army recognised, interceded on their behalf. 

The victors were not left long to contend over the booty. 

The imperialists certainly gave the assurance 
Advent of the t h a t the civil war in Italy had broken out, that 

Romans. J 

all the provinces were overrun by the enemy, 
and Vespasian was probably dead ; but the heavy arm of 
Rome was soon enough felt. The newly confirmed gov- 
ernment could despatch its best generals and numerous 
legions to the Rhine ; and certainly an imposing display 
of power was there needed. Annius Gallus took up the 
command in the upper, Petillius Cerialis in the lower 
province ; the latter, an impetuous and often incautious, 
but brave and capable officer, took action in the proper 


Roman Germany. [BookVIIL 

sense. Besides the 21st legion from Vindonissa, five came 
from Italy, three from Spain, one along with the fleet from 
Britain, and, in addition, a further corps from the Kaetian 
garrison. This and the 21st legion were the first to ar- 
rive. The imperialists had possibly talked of blocking 
the passes of the Alps ; but nothing was done, and the 
whole country of the upper Khine lay open as far as Mentz. 
The two Mentz legions had no doubt sworn allegiance to 
the Gallic empire, and at first offered resistance ; but, so 
soon as they perceived that a larger Koman army con- 
fronted them, they returned to obedience, and the Van- 
giones and Triboci immediately followed their example. 
Even the Lingones submitted — merely upon a promise of 
mild treatment — without striking a blow on the part of 
their 70,000 men capable of bearing arms. 1 The Treveri 
themselves had almost done the same ; but they were pre- 
vented from doing so by the nobility. The two surviving 
legions of the lower Bhenish army that were stationed 
here had, on the first news of the approach of the Bomans, 
torn the Gallic insignia from their standards, and withdrew 
to the Mediomatrici that had remained faithful (Metz), 
where they submitted to the mercy of the new general. 
When Cerialis arrived at the army, he found a good part 
of the work already done. The insurgent leaders exerted 
themselves, it is true, to the utmost — at that time by their 
orders the legionary legates delivered up at Novaesium 
were put to death — but in a military sense they were im- 
potent, and their last political move — that of offering the 
Boman general himself the sovereignty of the Gallic em- 
pire — was worthy of the beginning. After a short combat 
Cerialis occupied the capital of the Treveri, the leaders and 
the w T hole council having taken refuge with the Germans. 
This was the end of the Gallic empire. 

1 Frontirms, Stmt. iv. 3, 14. In their territory the advancing 
troops must have constructed a reserve station and a depot ; accord- 
ing to tiles recently found near Mirabeau-sur-Beze, about fourteen 
miles northeast of Dijon, men of at least five of the advancing le- 
gions had executed buildings here {Hermes, xix. 437). 

Chap. IV.] Roman Germany. 


More serious was the struggle with the Germans. Ci- 
vilis, with his whole fighting strength, the Ba- 
of a SvS ggles tavi, the contingent of the Germans, and the 
refugee bands of the Gallic insurgents, sud- 
denly assailed the much weaker Roman army in Treves 
itself. The Roman camp was already in his power, and 
the bridge of the Moselle occupied by him, when his men, 
instead of following up the victory which they had won, 
began prematurely to pillage, and Cerialis, compensating 
for his imprudence by brilliant valour, restored the com- 
bat and ultimately drove the Germans out from the camp 
and the town. There was no further success of impor- 
tance. The xigrippinenses again joined the Romans, and 
killed the Germans, who were staying among them, in 
their houses ; a whole Germanic cohort encamped there 
was shut up and burnt in its quarters. Whatsoever in 
Belgica still held to the Germans was brought back to 
obedience by the legion arriving from Britain ; a victory 
of the Cannenefates over the Roman ships which had 
landed the legion, and other isolated successes of the 
brave Germanic bands, above all, of the more numerous 
and better managed Germanic ships, did not change the 
general position of the war. On the ruins of Vetera Ci- 
vilis confronted the foe ; but he had to give way to the 
Roman army, which had meanwhile been doubled, and at 
length, after an obstinate resistance, had to leave his own 
home to the enemy. As ever happens, discord ensued in 
the train of misfortune. Civilis was no longer sure of his 
own men, and sought and found protection from them 
among his opponents. Late in the autumn of the year 70 
the unequal struggle was decided ; the auxiliaries now on 
their part surrendered to the burgess-legions, and the 
priestess Veleda went as a captive to Rome. 

When we look back on this war, one of the most singu- 
lar and most dreadful in all ages, we cannot 

Nature of the ° > 

Romantask and but own that hardly ever has an army had a 
task set before it equally severe with that of 
the two Roman armies on the Rhine in the years 69 and 


Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

70. In the course of a few months soldiers successively of 
Nero, of the senate, of Galba,'of Vitellius, and of Vespasian ; 
the only support to the dominion of Italy over the two 
mighty nations of the Gauls and the Germans, while the 
soldiers of the auxiliaries were taken almost entirely, and 
those of the legions in great part, from those very nations ; 
deprived of their best men, mostly without pay, often 
starving, and beyond all measure wretchedly led, they 
were certainly expected to perform feats inwardly and out- 
wardly superhuman. They ill sustained the severe trial. 
This was less a war between two divisions of the army, like 
the other civil wars of this terrible time, than a war of 
soldiers, and above all of officers, of the second class 
against those of the first, combined with a dangerous in- 
surrection and invasion of the Germans, and an incidental 
and insignificant revolt of some Celtic districts. In Koman 
military history Cannae and Carrhae and the Teutoburg 
Forest are glorious pages compared with the double dis- 
grace of Novaesium ; only a few individual men, not a sin- 
gle troop, preserved a pure escutcheon amidst the general 
dishonour. The frightful disorganisation of the political 
and, above all, of the military system, which meets us on 
the fall of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, appears — more 
clearly even than in the leaderless battle of Betriacum — in 
those events on the Rhine, to which the history of Eome 
never before and never after exhibits a parallel. 

The very extent and general diffusion of these mis- 
deeds rendered a corresponding chastisement 
ofThe q Batav^an impossible. It deserves to be acknowledged 
that the new ruler, who happily had re- 
mained in person aloof from all these occurrences, in a 
genuine statesmanly fashion allowed the past to be past, 
and exerted himself only to prevent the repetition of simi- 
lar scenes. That the prominent culprits, whether from the 
ranks of the troops or from the insurgents, were brought 
to account for their crimes, was a matter of course ; we 
may measure the punishment by the fact that when five 
years afterwards one of the Gallic insurgent leaders was 

Chaj\ IV.] Roman Germany. 


discovered in a lurking-place, in which his wife had up to 
that time kept him concealed, Vespasian gave him as well 
as her over to the executioner. But the renegade legions 
were allowed to share in the fighting against the Germans, 
and to atone for their guilt to some extent in the hot con- 
flicts at Treves and at Vetera. It is true, nevertheless, 
that the four legions of the lower Rhenish army were all 
dismissed, as was one of the two upper Rhenish legions 
that took part — one would gladly believe that the 22d was 
spared in honourable remembrance of its brave legate. 
Probably a considerable number of the Batavian cohorts 
met with the same fate, and not less, apparently, the cav- 
alry regiment of the Treveri, and perhaps several other 
specially prominent troops. Still less than against the 
rebellious soldiers could proceedings be taken with the 
full severity of the law against the insurgent Celtic and 
German cantons ; that the Roman legions demanded the 
razing of the Treverian colony of Augustus — this time for 
the sake not of booty but of vengeance — is at least as in- 
telligible as the destruction, desired by the Germans, of 
the town of the Ubii ; but as Civilis protected the one so 
Vespasian protected the other. Even the Germans on the 
left of the Rhine had, on the whole, their previous posi- 
tion left to them. But probably — we are here without cer- 
tain tradition — there was introduced in the levy and the 
employment of the auxilia an essential change, which di- 
minished the danger involved in the auxiliary system. 
The Batavi retained freedom from taxation and a still priv- 
ileged position as regards service ; a part of them, not 
altogether inconsiderable, had withal championed in arms 
the cause of the Romans. But the Batavian troops were 
considerably diminished, and, while hitherto — as it would 
appear of right — officers had been placed over them from 
their own nobility, and the same had been at least fre- 
quently done as respects the other Germanic and Celtic 
troops, the officers of the alae and cohortes were afterwards 
taken predominantly from the class from which Vespasian 
himself was descended — from the good urban middle class 


Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

of Italy and of the provincial towns organised after the 
Italian fashion. Officers of the position of the Cheruscan 
Arminius, of the Batavian Civilis, of the Treverian Classi- 
cus do not henceforth recur. As little is the previous 
close association of troops levied from the same canton 
met with subsequently ; on the contrary, the men serve, 
without distinction as to their descent, in the most vari- 
ous divisions ; this was probably a lesson which the Ro- 
man military administration gathered from this war. It 
was another change, probably suggested by this war, that 
while hitherto the majority of the auxiliaries employed in 
Germany were taken from the Germanic and neighbouring 
cantons, thenceforth the Germanic auxiliary troops found 
preponderantly employment outside of their native coun- 
try, just like the Dalmatian and Pannonian troops in con- 
sequence of the war with Bato. Vespasian was a soldier 
of sagacity and experience ; it is probably in good part a 
merit of his if we meet with no later example of revolt of 
the auxilia against their legions. 

That the insurrection, which we have just narrated, of 
Later attitude the Germans on the left of the Rhine — al- 
Germanrontne though it, in consequence of the accidental 
lower Rhine. completeness of the accounts preserved re- 
specting it, alone gives us a clear insight into the political 
and military relations on the lower Rhine and in Gaul gen- 
erally, and therefore deserved to be narrated in more de- 
tail — was yet called forth more by outward and accidental 
causes than by the inner necessity of things, is proved by 
the apparently complete quiet which now ensued there, 
and by the — so far as we can see — uninterrupted status quo 
in this very region. The Roman Germans were merged 
in the empire no less completely than the Roman Gauls ; 
of attempts at insurrection on the part of the former there 
is no further mention. At the close of the third century, 
the Franks invading Gaul by way of the lower Rhine in- 
cluded in their seizure the Batavian territory ; yet the 
Batavians maintained themselves in their old though di- 
minished settlements, as did likewise the Frisians, even 

Chap. IV.] Roman Germany. 


during the confusions of the great migration of peoples, 
and, so far as we know, preserved allegiance even to the 
decaying empire as a whole. 

When we turn from the Romans to the free Germans to 
mt _ m ' the east of the Rhine, we find offensive action 

The free Ger- 
mans on the on their part not less brought to an end with 

their participation in that Batavian insurrec- 
tion, than the attempts of the Eomans to bring about an 
alteration of the frontier on a grand scale in those re- 
gions came to a close with the expeditions of Germanicus. 
Of the free Germans, those dwelling next to the Ro- 
man territory were the Bructeri on both banks 


of the middle Ems, and in the region of the 
sources of the Ems and Lippe ; for which reason they took 
part before all the other Germans in the Batavian insur- 
rection. To their canton blonged the maiden Veleda, 
who sent forth her countrymen to the war against Rome 
and promised them the victory, whose utterance decided 
the fate of the town of the Ubii, and to whose high tower 
the captive senators and the captured admiral's ship of the 
Rhenish fleet were sent. The overthrow of the Batavi 
affected them also; and perhaps, in addition, a special 
counterblow of the Romans when that Virgin was subse- 
quently led as a captive to Rome. This disaster, as well 
as feuds with the neighbouring tribes, broke their power ; 
under Nero a king whom they did not wish was obtruded 
on them by force of arms on the part of their neighbours 
with the passive assistance of the Roman legate. 

The Cherusci, in the region of the upper Weser, in 
cherusci ^ e ^ me °^ Augustus an( ^ Tiberius the leading 

canton in central Germany, is seldom men- 
tioned after the death of Arminius, but always as sustain- 
ing good relations to the Romans. When the civil war } 
which must have continued to rage among them even after 
the fall of Arminius, had swept away the whole family of 
their princes, they requested from the Roman government 
the last of that house, Italicus, a brother's son of Arminius 
living in Italy, to be their ruler ; it is true that the return 


Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

home of one who was brave but answered more to his 
name than to his lineage, kindled the feud afresh, and, 
when he was driven off by his own people, the Langobardi 
placed him once more on the tottering throne. One of 
his successors, king Chariomerus, so earnestly took the 
side of the Romans in Domitian's war with the Chatti, 
that he after its close, when driven away by the Chatti, 
fled to the Eomans and invoked — although vainly — their 
intervention. Through those perpetual inward and out- 
ward feuds the Cheruscan people was so weakened that it 
henceforth disappears from active politics. The name of 
the Marsi is no longer met with at all after the expeditions 
of Germanicus. That the tribes dwelling farther to the 
east on the Elbe as well as all the more remote Germans 
took as little part in the struggles of the Batavians and 
their allies in the years 69 and 70, as these took in the 
German wars under Augustus and Tiberius may, consider- 
ing the detailed character of the narrative, be described 
as certain. Where they meet us subsequently they never 
appear in a hostile attitude to the Romans. That the 
Langobardi Langobardi reinstated the Roman king of the 
Cherusci, has already been mentioned. Masuus, 
semnones. the king of the s emnoneSj and— what is re- 
markable — along with him the prophetess Ganna, who 
was held in high repute among this tribe famous for its 
special credulity, visited the emperor Domitian in Rome, 
and met with a friendly reception at his court. In the 
regions from the Weser to the Elbe during these cen- 
turies various feuds may have raged, the balance of power 
may in various cases have shifted, various cantons may 
have changed their name or joined another combination ; 
as regards their relations to the Romans a permanent 
frontier-peace set in, after it came to be generally felt that 
these had positively abandoned the subjugation of this 
region. Even invasions from the far East cannot have 
materially disturbed it at this epoch ; for they could not 
but have reacted on the Roman guarding of the frontier, 
and we should not have lacked information had more se- 

Chap. IV.] Roman Germany. 


rious crises occurred in this domain. All this is confirmed 
by the reduction of the army of the lower Rhine to half 
of its former amount, which occurred we know not exactly 
when, but within this epoch. The army of the lower 
Rhine, with which Vespasian had to fight, numbered four 
legions ; that of the time of Trajan presumably the same 
number, at least three ; 1 probably already under Hadrian, 
certainly under Marcus, there were not more than two — 
the 1st Minervian and the 30th of Trajan — stationed there. 
Germanic affairs in the upper province developed them- 
selves after another fashion. Of the Germans 
mZ7. Ger " on the left of the Rhine who belonged to this 
province, the Triboci, Nemetes, Vangiones, 
there is nothing historically worth mentioning, except that 
they, for long settled among the Celts, shared the desti- 
nies of Gaul. Here too the Rhine always remained the 
chief hue of defence for the Romans. All the standing 
camps of the legions were at all times on the left bank of 
the Rhine ; not even that of Argentoratum was transferred 
to the right bank, when the whole region of the Neckar 
was Roman. But while in the lower province the Roman 
rule on the right bank of the Rhine was restricted in 
course of time, here on the other hand it was extended. 
The project of Augustus to connect the camps on the 

1 Under the legate Q. Acutius Nerva, who was probably the con- 
sul of the year 100, and so administered lower Germany after that 
year, there were stationed, according to inscriptions of Brohl (Brain- 
bach, 660. 662, 679, 680), in this province four legions, the 1st 
Minervia, 6th Yictrix, 10th Gemina, 22d Primigenia. As each 
of these inscriptions names only two or three, the garrison may then 
have consisted only of three legions, if during the governorship of 
Acutius the 1st Minervia came in place of the 22d Primigenia 
drafted off elsewhere. But it is far more probable — seeing that all 
the legions were not always taking part in the detachments to the 
stone quarries at Brohl — that these four legions were doing garrison- 
duty at the same time in lower Germany. These four legions are 
probably just those that came to lower Germany on the reorganisa- 
tion of the Germanic armies by Vespasian (p. 172 note), only that 
the 1st Minervia was put by Domitian in the place of the 21st, 
probably broken up by him. 


Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

Rhine with those on *the Danube by advancing the im- 
perial frontier in an eastward direction — which, if it had 
been carried out, would have enlarged upper more than 
lower Germany — was perhaps never completely abandoned 
in this command, and was resumed subsequently, though 
on a more modest scale. Historical tradition does not 
give us the means of presenting a connected view of the 
operations continued with this object for centuries, the 
construction of roads and walls pertaining thereto, and 
the wars waged on this account ; and even the great mili- 
tary structure still existing, whose rise and progress — like- 
wise embracing centuries — must include in itself a good 
part of that history, has hitherto not been investigated 
throughout, as it well might be, by the eyes of military 
experts. The hope that unified Germany would combine 
for the investigation of this its oldest historical monu- 
ment, has not been fulfilled. We shall here attempt to 
put together what has hitherto been brought to light on 
the subject from the fragments of the Eoman annals or of 
the Roman strongholds. 

On the right bank, not far from the northern end of the 
province, there stretches in front of the level 
Mogontiacum. ^ hilly country of the lower Rhine, in a di- 
rection from west to east, the range of the Taunus, which 
abuts on the Rhine opposite to Bingen. Parallel to this 
mountain-range, shut off on the other side by the spurs of 
the Odenwald, stretches the plain of the lower Main-valley, 
the true access to the interior of Germany, dominated by 
the key of the position at the point where the Main falls 
into the Rhine, Mogontiacum or Mentz, from the time of 
Drusus down to the end of Rome the stronghold out of 
which the Romans sallied to attack Germany from Gaul. 1 
as it is at the present day the true barrier of Germany 
against France. Here the Romans, even after they had 

1 According to the ingenious decipherings of Zangemeister ( West- 
deutsche Zeitschrift, iii. 307 ff. ), it is established that a militar} 1 " road 
was already laid out under Claudius on the left bank of the Rhine 
from Mentz as far as the frontier of the upper German province. 

Chap. IV.] 

Roman Germany. 


abandoned their rule in the region of the upper Rhine 
generally, retained not merely the tete-de-pont on the other 
bank, the castellum Mogontiacense (Castel), but also that 
plain of the Main itself in their possession ; and in this 
region a Roman civilisation might establish itself. This 
land originally belonged to the Chatti, and a Chattan 
tribe, the Mattiaci, remained settled here even 
under Eoman rule ; but, after the Chatti were 
compelled to cede this district to Drusus, it remained a 
part of the empire. The hot springs in the immediate 
neighbourhood of Mentz (aquae Mattiacae, Wiesbaden) 
were used by the Romans demonstrably in Vespasian's time, 
and already even long before : silver was worked here 
under Claudius ; the Mattiaci already furnished troops to 
the army at an early date like other subject districts. They 
took part in the general rising of the Germans under 
Civilis ; but, after they were vanquished, the earlier re- 
lations were re-established. From the end of the second 
century we find the community of the Taunensian Mattiaci 
under authorities organised after the Roman model. 1 

The Chatti, although thus driven away from the Rhine, 
Ch tt - appear in the sequel as the the most power- 

ful among the tribes of inland Germany who 
came into contact with the Romans ; the lead which, un- 
der Augustus and Tiberius, had been possessed by the 
Cherusci on the middle Weser, passed, amidst the con- 
stant feuds with these their southern cognate neighbours, 
over to the latter. All the wars between Romans and Ger- 
mans, of which we have any knowledge from the time 
after the death of Arminius down to the time when the 
migrations of the peoples began at the end of the third 

1 The full name c{imtas) M(attiacorum) Ta(unensium) appears on 
the inscription of Castel in Brambach, C. 1. B7i. 1330 ; it occurs fre- 
quently as civitas Mattiacorum or civitas Taunensium, with Duo- 
viri, Aediles, Decuriones, Sacerdotales, Seviri ; peculiar and char- 
acteristic of a frontier town are the hastiferi civitatis Mattiacorum, 
probably to be taken as a municipal militia (Brambach, 1336). The 
oldest dated document of this community is of the year 198 (Bram- 
bach, 956). 



Roman Germany. [BookVIIL 

century, were waged against the Chatti ; as in the year 
41 under Claudius by Galba, who became afterwards em- 
peror ; and in the year 50 under the same emperor by 
Publius Pomponius Secundus, celebrated as a poet. These 
were the usual border incursions, and the Chatti had 
taken a part, but only a secondary one, in the great Ba- 
tavian war (p. 144). But in the campaign which the Em- 
peror Domitian undertook in the year 83 the Romans were 
the aggressors ; and this war led, not indeed to brilliant 
victories, but doubtless to a considerable and momentous 
pushing forward of the Bom an frontier. 1 At that time 
the frontier-line was arranged, as we find it thenceforth 
drawn ; and within that line, which in its most northern 
portion was not far removed from the Bhine, must have 
been included a great part of the Taunus and the region 
of the Main as far as above Friedberg. The Usipes, who, 
after their already-mentioned expulsion from the region 
of the Lippe, appear about the time of Vespasian in the 
neighbourhood of Mentz, and may have found new settle- 
ments to the east of the Mattiaci on the Kinzig or in the 

1 The accounts of this war have been lost ; its time and place ad- 
mit of being determined. As the coins give to Domitian the title 
Oermanicus after the beginning of the year 84 (Eckhel, vi. 378, 
397), the campaign falls in the year 83. Accordant with this is the 
levy of the Usipes, which falls on this same year, and their des- 
perate attempt at flight (Tacitus, Agr. 28 ; comp. Martialis, vi. 60). 
It was an aggressive war (Suetonius, Bom. 6 : expeditio sponte sus- 

Cepta ; Zonaras, xi. 19 ; \€7]\aT7)a as riva rwv irepav 'P-f)vov rwv ii/ffirSv' 
JW. The shifting of the line of posts is attested by Frontinus, 
who took part in the war, Stmt. ii. II, 7 : cum in finibus Gubiorum 
(name unknown and probably corrupt) castella poneret, and i. 3, 
10 : Umitibus per cxx. m. p. actis, which is here brought into im- 
mediate connection with the military operations, and hence may 
not be separated from the Chattan war itself and referred to the 
agri decumates, which had for long been in the Roman power. The 
measure of 108 miles is very conceivable for the military line which 
Domitian planned at the Taunus (according to Cohausen's esti- 
mates, Rom. Grenzwall,'Tp. 8, the later Limes from the Rhine round 
the Taunus as far as the Main is set down at 137 miles), but is 
much too small to admit of its being referred to the line of connec- 
tion from thence to Ratisbon. 

Chap. IV.] Roman Germany. 163 

Fuldan district, were then annexed to the empire, and, at 
the same time with them, a number of smaller tribes 
thrown off by the Chatti. Thereupon, when in the year 
88, under the governor Lucius Antonius Saturninus, the 
upper German army rose against DomitiaD, the war was 
on the point of renewal ; the revolted troops made com- 
mon cause with the Chatti ; l and it was only the interrup- 
tion of the communications, when the ice broke up on 
the Ehine, that made it possible for the regiments which 
had remained faithful to settle matters with the revolters 
before the dangerous contingent arrived. It is stated that 
the Roman rule extended from Mentz towards the in- 
terior 80 leugae, and thus even beyond Fulda ; 2 and this 

1 The Germans (Suetonius, Bom. 6) could only be the Chatti, and 
their earlier allies, perhaps in the first instance just the Usipes and 
those sharing their fate. The insurrection broke out in Mentz, 
which alone was a double camp of two legions. Saturninus was 
assailed from Raetia by the troops of L. Appius Maximus Norbanus. 
For the epigram of Martial, ix. 84, cannot be understood otherwise, 
the more especially as his conqueror, of senatorial rank as he was, 
could not administer a regular command in Raetia and Vindelicia, 
and could only be led into this region by a case of war emerging, 
as indeed the sacrilegi furores clearly point to the insurrection. 
The tiles of this same Appius, which have been found in the 
provinces of upper Germany and Aquitania, do not warrant the 
making him legate of the Lugdunensis, as Asbach {Westdeutsche 
Zeitschrift, iii. 9), suggests, but must be referred to the epoch 
after the defeat of Antonius ( Hermes, xix. 438). Where the battle 
was fought remains doubtful ; the region of Vindonissa most nat- 
urally suggests itself, to which point Saturninus may have gone to 
meet Norbanus. Had Norbanus encountered the insurgents only 
at Mentz, which in itself seems conceivable, these would have had 
the crossing of the Rhine in their power, and the contingent of the 
Germans could not have been hindered by the breaking-up of the 
Rhine from reinforcing them. 

2 The detached notice is found subjoined to the Veronese provin- 
cial list (Notitia dignitatum, ed. Seeck, p. 253) : nomina civitatum 
trans Benum fluvium quae sunt; Usiphorum (read Usiporum) — 
Tuvanium (read Tubantum) — Nictrensium — Novarii — Casuario- 
rum : istae omnes civitates titans Benum informulam Belgicae primae 
redactae trans castellum Mbntiacese : nam Ixxx. leugas trans Benum 
Bomani possederunt. Istae civitates sub Oallieno imperatore a bar- 


Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

account appears worthy of credit, if we take into con- 
sideration that the military frontier-line, which certainly 
seems not to have gone far above Friedberg, doubtless 
kept here also within the territorial boundary. 

But not merely was the valley of the lower Main in 

front of Mentz brought within the military 
ttie e Neckar.° f frontier-line ; in south-western Germany also 

the boundary was pushed forward in a still 
greater degree. The region of the Neckar, once pos- 
sessed by the Celtic Helvetii, then for long a debateable 
borderland between these and the advancing Germans, 
and therefore named the Helvetian desert, subsequently 
perhaps occupied partially by the Marcomani, before these 
retreated to Bohemia (p. 33), came on the regulation of 
the Germanic boundaries after the battle of Varus into 
the same position as the greater portion of the right bank 
of the lower Ehine. Here, too, there must have been a 
frontier-line already at that time marked off, within which 
Germanic settlements were not tolerated. Thereupon in- 
dividual, mostly Gallic, immigrants, who had not much 
to lose, settled down, as on an unenclosed moor, in these 

baris occupatae sunt. That the Usipes afterwards dwelt in this re- 
gion is confirmed by Tacitus, Hist. iv. 37, Germ. 32 ; that they be- 
longed to the empire in the year 83, but had perhaps been made 
subject only shortly before, is plain from the narrative, Agr. 28. 
The Tubantes and Cbasuarii are placed by Ptolemy, ii. 11, 11, in the 
vicinity of the Chatti ; that they shared the fate of the Usipes is 
accordingly probable. No certain identification of the other two 
corrupt names has hitherto been found ; perhaps the Tencteri had 
a place here, or some of the small tribes named with these only in 
Ptolemy, ii. 11, 6. The notice in its original form named Belgica 
simply, as the province was only divided by Diocletian, and named 
it rightly in so far as the two Germanies belonged geographically to 
Belgica. The specified measurement carries us, if we follow the 
Kinzig valley to the north-east, beyond Fulda nearly to Hersfeld. 
Inscriptions have been found here far eastward beyond the Rhine, 
as far as the Wetterau ; Friedberg and Butzbach were military po- 
sitions strongly garrisoned ; at Altenstadt between Friedberg and 
Biidingen there has been found an inscription of the year 242 
(Brambach, G. I. Rh. 1410) pointing to protection of the frontier 
Mil iuventutis). 

Chap. IV.] Roman Germany. 


fertile but little protected regions, which went at that 
time by the name of agri decumates. 1 This private occu- 
pation, which was, it may be conjectured, merely tolerated 
by the government, was followed by the formal taking 
possession of it probably under Vespasian. As already, 
about the year 74, a highway was carried from Strassburg 
on the right bank of the Ehine as far as Offenburg, 2 there 
must have been instituted about this time in this region 
a more earnest protection of the frontier than the mere 
prohibition of Germanic settlement furnished. What the 
father had begun the sons carried out. Perhaps even 
through the construction — whether by Vespasian, by Titus, 
or Domitian — of the " Flavian altars " 3 at the source of 
the Neckar, near the modern Rottweil — a settlement of 
which indeed we know nothing but the name — there 
was procured for the new upper Germany on the right of 
the Rhine a centre similar to what the Ubian altar was 
formerly intended to become for Great Germany, and 

1 What the designation agri decumates (for the latter word is at 
any rate to he connected with agri) occurring only in Tacitus, Germ. 
29, means, is uncertain. It is possible that the territory regarded 
in the earlier imperial period certainly as property of the state or 
rather of the emperor, like the old ager occupatorius of the republic, 
might be used by the first who took possession upon payment of the 
tenth ; but neither is it linguistically proved that decumas can 
mean ' ' liable for a tenth, " nor are we acquainted with such arrange- 
ments in the imperial period. Moreover it should not be over 
looked that the description of Tacitus refers to the time before the 
institution of the line of the Neckar ; it does not suit the latter 
period any more than does the designation, which doubtless is not 
clear, but is at any rate certainly connected with the earlier legal 

2 This has been proved by Zangemeister ( Westdeutsche Zeitsc7irift, 
iii. p. 246). 

3 The fact that here several altars were dedicated, while else- 
where at these central sanctuaries only one is mentioned, may be 
explained perhaps by the cultus of Eoma falling into the back- 
ground by the side of that of the emperors. If at the very outset 
several altars were erected, which is probable, perhaps one of the 
sons caused altars to be set up as well to this or that deceased Fla- 
vian emperor as to his own Genius. 


Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

soon afterwards the altar of Sarmizegetusa became for 
the newly-conquered Dacia. The first institution of the 
frontier-defence, to be described further on, by which the 
Neckar valley was brought within the Koman line, is thus 
the work of the Flavii, chiefly, doubtless, of Doniitian, 1 
who thereby carried further the construction at the 
Taunus. The military road on the right of the Rhine 
from Mogontiacum by way of Heidelberg and Baden in 
the direction of Offenburg — the necessary consequence of 
this annexation of the Neckar region — was, as we now 
know, 2 constructed by Trajan in the year 100, and was a 
part of the more direct communication established by that 
emperor between Gaul and the line of the Danube. There 
was employment for the soldiers at these works, but 
hardly for their arms ; there w T ere no Germanic tribes 
dwelling in the region of the Neckar, and still less can the 
narrow strip on the left bank of the Danube, which was 
thereby brought within the frontier line, have cost serious 
struggles. The nearest Germanic people of note there, 
the Hermunduri, had more friendly dispositions towards 
the Romans than any other tribe had, and carried on lively 
commercial intercourse with them in the town of the Vin- 
delici, Augusta ; of the fact that this advance met with 
no resistance from them, we shall find traces further on. 
Under the following reigns of Hadrian, Pius, and Marcus, 
further progress was made with these military arrange- 

We cannot historically follow out the mode in which 
the frontier-fence between the Rhine and the 
manic P Lka2 er Danube — still in great part subsisting as re- 
gards its foundations at the present day — 
came into existence, but we are able to recognise not 
merely the course which it took but also the purpose 

1 That the transfer took place shortly before Tacitus wrote the 
Germania in the year 98, he himself states, and that Domitian was 
its author, follows from the fact that he does not name the author. 

2 This, too, has been documentarily established by Zangemeister 
( Westdeutsche Zeitschrift, iii. 237 f , ). 

Chap. IV.] 

Roman Germany. 


which it served. The work was as to its nature and pur- 
pose different in upper Germany from what it was in 
Kaetia. The upper German frontier-fence, with a length 
in all of about 250 Roman miles (228 English miles') 
begins immediately at the northern boundary of the prov- 
ince, embraces, as has been already said, the Taunus and 
the plain of the Main as far as the district of Friedberg, 
and turns thence southward to the Main, which it meets 
at Grosskrotzenburg above Hanau. Following the Main 
thence as far as Worth, it here takes the direction of the 
Neckar, which it reaches somewhat below Wimpfen and 
does not again leave. Afterwards in front of the southern 
half of this frontier-line a second was laid out, which fol- 
lows the Main by way of Worth as far as Miltenberg, and 
thence is led for the most part in a straight direction to 
Lorch between Stuttgart and Aalen. Here to the upper 
German frontier-fence is joined on the Eaetian, only 120 
miles (108 English) long ; it leaves the Danube at Kel- 
heim above Batisbon and runs thence, twice crossing the 
Altmuhl, in a curve westward likewise as far as Lorch. 

The upper Germanic Limes consists of a series of forts 
which are distant from each other, at the most, half a day's 
march (about nine English miles). Where the lines of 
connection between the forts are not closed by the Main 
or the Neckar, as stated above, there was introduced an 
artificial barrier, at first perhaps merely by a palisade, 2 

1 This measurement holds for the line of forts from Rheinbrohl 
to Lorch (Cohausen, der Rom. Grenzwall, p. 7 1). For the earthen 
rampart there falls to he deducted the stretch of the Main from 
Miltenberg to Grosskrotzenburg, of about thirty Roman miles. In 
the case of the older line of the Neckar the rampart is considerably 
shorter, since, instead of that from Miltenberg to Lorch, here comes 
in the much shorter one of the Odenwald from Worth to Wimpfen. 

2 If, as is probable, the statement that Hadrian blocked the im- 
perial frontier-roads by palisades against the barbarians (p. 132) re- 
lates in part and perhaps primarily to the upper Germanic, the wall, 
of which remains are extant, was not his work ; whether this may have 
carried palisades or not, no report would mention these and pass 
over the wall itself. Dio, lxix. 9, says that Hadrian revised the de- 

168 Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

afterwards by a continuous wall of moderate height with 
fosse in front on the outside and watch-towers built in at 
short intervals on the inner side.' The forts are not 
introduced into the wall, but constructed immediately 
behind it at a distance seldom exceeding one-third of an 
English mile. 

The Eaetian frontier-fence was a mere barrier, produced 
by piling up quarry-stones; there were no 
Lime? aetian fosses or watch-towers, and the forts, con- 
structed behind the Limes without regular 
succession and at unequal intervals (none nearer than two 
and a half to three miles), stand in no immediate con- 
nection with the barrier-line. As to the order in time of 
the constructions there is no definite testimony ; it is 
proved that the upper Germanic line of the Neckar was 
in existence under Pius, 2 that placed in front of it from 
Miltenberg to Lorch under Marcus. 3 The idea of a 

fence of the frontier throughout the empire. The designation 
of the pale [Pfahl] or pale-ditch [Pfahlgraben] cannot be Roman ; 
in Latin the stakes, which, driven into the wall of the camp, form 
a palisade-chain for it, are called not pali, but vaffli or sudes, just as 
the wall itself is never other than vallum. If the designation in use 
from of old for this purpose apparently along the whole line among 
the Germans was really borrowed from the palisades, it must have 
been of Germanic origin, and can only have proceeded from the 
time when this wall stood before their eyes in its integrity and 
significance. Whether the " region " Palas which Animianus men- 
tions (xviii. 2, 15) is connected with this is doubtful. 

1 In such an one recently discovered between the forts of Schlossau 
and Hesselbach, 1850 yards from the former, about three miles from, 
the latter, there has been found a votive inscription (Korrespond- 
enzblatt der Westdeutschen Zeitschrift, 1 Jul. 1884), which the troop 
that built it — a detachment of the 1st cohort of the Sequani and 
Raurici under command of a centurion of the 22d legion, erected as 
thanksgiving ob burgum explic(itum). These towers thus were burgi. 

2 The oldest dated evidence for these is two inscriptions of the 
garrison of Bockingen, opposite Heilbronn, on the left bank of the 
Neckar of the year 148 (Brambach, C. T. Tth. 1583, 1590). 

3 The oldest dated evidence for the existence of this line is the 
inscription of vicus Aurelii (Oehringen) of the year 169 (Brambach, 
C. L Eh. 1558), doubtless only private, but certainly not set up 

Chap. IV.] 

Roman Germany. 


frontier-bar was common to the two structures, other- 
wise so different ; the preference in the one case for the 
piling up of earth — whence the fosse for the most part 
resulted of itself — in the other case, for layers of stone, 
probably depended only on the diversity of the soil and 
of the materials for building. It was common to them, 
further, that neither the one nor the other was con- 
structed for the defence, as a whole, of the frontier. Not 
merely was the hindrance, which the piling up of earth or 
stone presented to the assailant, slight in itself ; but along 
the line.we meet everywhere with commanding positions, 
morasses lying in the rear, a want of outlook towards the 
country in front, and similar clear indications of the fact, 
that in the tracing of it warlike purposes generally were 
not contemplated. The forts are of course arranged for 
defence, each by itself, but they are not connected by 
paved cross-roads ; and so the individual garrison relied 
for support not on those of the neighbouring forts, but on 
the rear -base, to which the road led, whereby each was 
kept garrisoned. Moreover, these garrisons were not 
dovetailed into a military system of frontier defence ; they 
were rather fortified positions for a case of need than 
strategically chosen for the occupation of the territory, 
as indeed the very extent of the line itself, compared with 
the number) of troops at disposal, excludes the possibility 
of its defence as a whole. 1 

before the construction of this fort belonging to the Miltenberg-Lorch 
line; little later is that of Jagsthausen, likewise belonging to that 
line, of the year 179 (G. I. Rh. 1618). Accordingly vicus A urelii 
might take its name from Marcus, not from Caracalla, though it is 
attested of the latter that he constructed various forts in these regions 
and named them after himself (Dio, lxxvi. 13). 

1 As to the distribution of the upper German troops there is a want 
of sufficient information, but not entirely of data on which to rest. 
Of the two headquarters in upper Germany, that of Strassburg can 
be shown to have been after the construction of the line of the 
Neckar occupied but weakly, and was probably more an administra- 
tive than a military centre ( Westdeutsches Correspondenzblatt, 1884, p. 
132). On the other hand, the garrison of Mentz always demanded 
a considerable portion of the aggregate strength, all the more because 


Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

Thus these extensive military structures had not, like 
the Britannic wall, the object of checking the 
233^**""" invasion of the enemy. The intention rather 
was, that, like the bridges over the river fron- 
tier, so the roads on the land-frontier should be com- 
manded by the forts, but in other respects, like the river 

it was probably the only compact body of troops on a large scale in 
all upper Germany. The other troops were distributed partly to the 
Limes, whose forts, according to Cohausen's estimate {Bom. Grenz- 
wall, p. 335), were on an average five miles apart from one another, 
and so in all about fifty ; partly to the interior forts, especially on the 
line of the Odenwald from Gundelsheim to Worth ; that the latter, at 
least in part, remained occupied even after the laying out of the outer 
Limes, is at least probable. Owing to the inequality in size of the 
forts still measurable, it is difficult to say what number of troops was 
required to make them capable of defence. Cohausen (I. c. p. 340) 
reckons to a middle-sized fort, including the reserve, 720 men. As 
the usual cohort of the legion as of the auxiliaries numbered 500 
men, and the fort-buildings must necessarily have had regard to 
this fact, the garrison of the fort in the event of siege must be esti- 
mated on an average at least at this number. After the reduction 
the upper German army could not possibly have held the forts, even 
of the Limes alone, simultaneously in this strength. Much less could 
it, even before the reduction, have kept the lines between the forts 
even barely occupied with its 30,000 men (p. 129); and, if this was 
not possible, the simultaneous occupation of all the forts had in fact 
no object. To all appearance each fort was planned in such a way 
that, when duly garrisoned, it could be held ; but, as a rule — and 
on this frontier the state of peace was the rule — the individual fort 
was not on a war-footing, but only furnished with troops, in so far 
that posts might be stationed in the watch-towers, and the roads as 
well as the byways might be kept under inspection. The standing 
garrisons of the forts were, it maybe conjectured, very much weaker 
than is usually assumed. We possess from antiquity but a single 
record of such a garrison ; it is of the year 155, and relates to the 
fort of Kutlowitza, to the north of Sofia {Eph. Epigr. iv. p. 524), 
for which the army of lower Moesia, and in fact the 11th legion, 
furnished the garrison. This troop numbered at that time, besides 
the centurion in command, only 76 men. The Raetian army was, 
at least before Marcus, still less in a position to occupy extensive 
lines ; it numbered then at the most 10,000 men, and had, besides 
the Raetian Limes, to supply also the line of the Danube from 
Ratisbon to Passau. 

Chap. IV.] Roman Germany. 


as the water-boundary, so the wall on the landward should 
hinder the uncontrolled crossing of the frontier. Other 
uses might be combined with this ; the preference, often 
apparent, for the rectilineal direction points to its appli- 
cation for signals, and occasionally the structure may have 
been used directly for purposes of war. But the proper 
and immediate object of the structure was to prevent the 
crossing of the frontier. The fact, withal, that watch- 
posts and forts were erected, not on the Eaetian but on 
the upper Germanic frontier, is explained by their differ- 
ent relations to the neighbours, in the former case to the 
Hermunduri, in the latter to the Chatti. The Eomans in 
upper Germany did not confront their neighbours as they 
confronted the Highlanders of Britain, in whose presence 
the province was always in a state of siege ; but the re- 
pulse of predatory invaders as well as the levying of the 
frontier-dues demanded at any rate ready' and near mili- 
tary help. The upper German army, and in keeping with 
it the garrisons on the Limes, might be gradually reduced, 
but the Roman pilum could never be dispensed with in the 
land of the Neckar. It might, however, be dispensed with 
in presence of the Hermunduri, who, in Trajan's time, 
alone of all the Germans, were at liberty to cross the fron- 
tier of the empire without special control and to trade 
freely in the Roman territory, especially in Augsburg, and 
with whom, so far as we know, border-collisions never 
took place. There was thus at this period no occasion for 
a similar structure on the Eaetian frontier ; the forts north 
of the Danube, which can be shown to have subsisted al- 
ready in Trajan's time, 1 sufficed here for the protection of 
the frontier and the control of frontier-intercourse. This 
accords with the observation that the Raetian Limes, as it 
stands before our eyes, corresponds only with the more re- 
cent upper Germanic barrier-line perhaps laid out for the 
first time under Marcus. Then occasion for it was not 
wanting. The wars of the Chatti, as we shall see (p. 175), 

1 This is proved by the document of Trajan of the year 107, found 
at Weissenburg. 

Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

seized at this time also on Raetia ; the strengthening too 
of the garrison of the province might reasonably stand in 
connection with the erection of this Limes, which, how- 
ever little it was arranged for military ends, was at any 
rate doubtless constructed with a view to its being a fron- 
tier-bar, though of less strong character.' 

In a military as well as a political sense the shifting of 
The - a t ^ e ^ ron ^ er ' or ra ther the strengthening of 
the frontier-fence, was effective and useful. 
While formerly the Roman chain of forts in upper Ger- 
many and Raetia probably went up the Rhine by way of 
Strassburg to Basel, and along by Vindonissa on the lake 
of Constance, then from thence to the upper Danube, now 
the upper German headquarters were in Mentz and the 
Raetian in Ratisbon, and generally the two chief armies 
of the empire were brought considerably nearer to each 
other. The legionary camp of Vindonissa (Windisch near 
Zurich) became thereby superfluous. The army of the 
upper Rhine might, like the neighbouring one, be reduced 
after some time to the half of its former strength. The 
original number of four legions, which was ooly accident- 
ally diminished to three during the Batavian war, sub- 
sisted, at all events, probably still under Trajan; 2 but 

1 The investigations hitherto as to the Raetian Limes have hut 
little cleared up the destination of this work ; this only is made out 
that it was less adapted than the analogous upper German one for 
military occupation. A weaker frontier-bar of that sort may rea- 
sonably, even before the Marcomanian war, have been chosen to 
face the Hermunduri ; nor does what Tacitus says of their inter- 
course in Augusta Vindelicum by any means exclude the existence 
at that time of a Raetian Limes. Only in that case we should ex- 
pect that it would not end at Lorch, but would join the line of the 
Neckar ; and in some measure it does this, inasmuch as at Lorch in- 
stead of the Limes comes the Rems, which falls into the Neckar at 

2 Of the seven legions which at Nero's death were stationed in the 
two Germanies (p. 143), Vespasian broke up five; there remained 
the 21st and the 22d, to which, thereupon, were added the seven or 
eight legions introduced for the suppression of the revolt, the 1st 
Adiutrix, 2d Adiutrix, 6th Victrix, 8th and 10th Gemma, 11th, 13th 

Chap. IV.] Roman Germany. 


under Marcus the province was only occupied by two 
legions, the 8th and the 22d, of which the former was 
stationed at Strassburg, the second at the headquarters 
Mentz, while most of the troops, broken up into smaller 
posts, were stationed along the frontier-wall. "Within the 
new line urban life nourished almost as on the left 
bank of the Ehine ; Sumelocenna (Eottenburg on the 
Neckar), Aquae (civitas Aurelia Aquensis, Baden), Lo- 
podunum (Ladenburg), had, if we except Cologne and 
Treves, to fear no comparison as respects Eoman urban 
development with any town of Belgica. The rise of these 
settlements was chiefly the work of Trajan, who began his 
government with this act of peace ; 1 " the Ehine Eoman on 

(?), and 14th. Of these, after the close of the war, the 1st Adiutrix 
was sent probably to Spain (p. 71, note), the 2d Adiutrix probably 
to Britain (p. 207, note), the 13th Gemina (if this came to Ger- 
many at all) to Pannonia ; the other seven remained, namely, in 
the lower province the 6th, 10th, 21st, and 22d (p. 159, note ), in the 
upper the 8th, 11th, and 14th. To the latter was probably added 
in the year 83 the 1st Adiutrix, once more sent from Spain to up- 
per Germany (p. 71, note). That under Trajan the 1st Adiutrix 
and the 11th were stationed in upper Germany is shown by the in- 
scription of Baden-Baden (Brambach, C. I. Rh. 1666). The 8th 
and the 14th, it can be shown, both came with Cerialis to Germany, 
and both did garrison duty there for a considerable period. 

1 Traian was sent by ISTerva in the year 96 or 97 as legate to Ger- 
many, probably to the upper, as at that time Yestricius Spurinna 
seems to have presided over the lower. Nominated here as co- 
regent in October of the year 97, he received the accounts of Xer- 
va's death and of his nomination as the Augustus in February 98 
at Cologne. He may have remained there during the winter and 
the following summer; in the winter 98-99 he was on the Danube. 
The words of Eutropius, viii. 2 : urbes trans PJienum in Gernuinia 
reparavit (whence the often-misused notice in Orosius, vii. 12, 2, 
has been copied), which can only be referred to the upper province, 
but naturally apply not to the legate, but to the Caesar or the Au- 
gustus, obtain a confirmation through the civitas Ulpia s{altus?) 
Niicerini?) Lopodunum of the inscriptions. The "restoration" 
may stand in contrast not to the institutions of Domitian, but to the 
irregular germs of urban arrangements in the Decumates-land be- 
fore the shifting of the military frontier. There is no indication 
pointing to warlike events under Trajan •, that he planned and gave 

Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

both its banks " is what a Roman poet entreats the yet 
unseen ruler speedily to send to them. The great and 
fertile region, which was placed in this way under the pro- 
tection of the legions, needed that protection, and was 
worthy of it. Doubtless the battle of Varus marks the 
beginning of the ebb of Roman power, but only in so far 
as its advance was thereby ended, and the Romans thence- 
forth contented themselves in general with shielding more 
vigorously and continuously what was retained. 

Down to the beginning of the third century the Roman 

power on the Rhine showed no indications of 
Sarcus nyunder tottering. During the war with the Marco- 

mani under Marcus all remained quiet in the 
lower province. If a legate of Belgica had at that time to 
call out the general levy against the Chauci, this was pre- 
sumably a piratical expedition, such as often visited the 
north coast at this time, just as earlier and later. The 
surge of the great movement of peoples reached to the 
sources of the Danube, and even as far as the region of 
the Rhine ; but it did not shake the foundations there. 
The Chatti, the only considerable Germanic tribe on the 
upper German and Raetian border-fence, pushed forward 
in both directions, and were probably at that time even 
among the Germans invading Italy, as will be shown fur- 
ther on when we describe this war. At any rate the rein- 
forcement of the Raetian army at that time ordained by 
Marcus, and its conversion into a command of the first 
class with legion and legates, can only have taken place in 
order to check the attacks of the Chatti, and proves that 
they did not treat them lightly as regards the future. 
The already-mentioned strengthening of the border-de- 
fence would likewise stand connected with this move- 

his name (Ammianus, xvii. 1, 11) to a castellum in Alamannorum 
solo — according to the connection, on the Main not far from Mentz— - 
is as little proof of such events as the circumstance that a later poet 
(Sidonius, Carm. vii. 115), mixing up old and new, makes Agrip- 
pina under him the terror of the Sugambri— that is, in his sense, 
of the Franks. 

Chap. IV.] 

Roman Germany. 


ment. These measures must have sufficed for the next 

Under Antoninus the son of Severus a new and more 

severe war once more (213) broke out in Rae- 
SaLInni. the tia - Tnis also was waged against the Chatti ; 

but by their side a second people is named, 
which we here meet for the first time — the Alamanni. 
Whence they came, we know not. According to a Koman 
writing a little later they were a conflux of mixed ele- 
ments ; the appellation also seems to point to a league of 
communities, as well as the fact that afterwards the dif- 
ferent tribes comprehended under this name stand forth — 
more than is the case among the other great Germanic 
peoples — in their separate character, and the Juthungi, the 
Lentienses, and other Alamannic peoples not seldom act in- 
dependently. But that it is not the Germans of this region 
who here emerge allied under the new name and strength- 
ened by the alliance, is shown as well by the naming of 
the Alamanni alongside of the Chatti, as by the mention 
of the unwonted skilfulness of the Alamanni in equestrian 
combat. On the contrary it was certainly, in the main, 
hordes coming on from the East that lent new strength 
to the almost extinguished German resistance on the 
Ehine ; it is not improbable that the powerful Semnones, 
in earlier times dwelling on the middle Elbe, of whom 
there is no further mention after the end of the second 
century, furnished a strong contingent to the Alamanni. 
The constantly increasing misgovernment in the Roman 

empire naturally contributed its share, although 
ninSsT Ant °" onr y m a secondary degree, to the shifting of 

power. The emperor took the field in person 
against the new foe ; in August of the year 213 he crossed 
the Roman frontier, and a victory over them on the Main 
was achieved or at least celebrated ; further forts were 
constructed ; the tribes of the Elbe and of the North Sea 
sent deputies to the Roman ruler, and wondered when in 
receiving them he wore their own dress, with silver- 
mounted jacket, and hair and beard coloured and ar- 


Roman Germany. 

[Book VIII. 

ranged after the German fashion. But thenceforth the 
wars on the Khine are incessant, and the aggressors are 
the Germans ; the neighbours formerly so pliant had as it 
were exchanged characters. Twenty years later the in- 
roads of the barbarians on the Danube as on the Rhine 

Alexander WGre S ° constant an( * so serious, that the 
emperor Alexander had on their account to 
break off the less immediately dangerous Persian war 
and to resort in person to the camp of Mentz, not so much 
to defend the territory as to purchase peace from the Ger- 
mans by large sums of money. The exasperation of the 
soldiers at this led to his murder (a.d. 235), and thereby 
to the fall of the Severian dynasty, the last that existed at 
all until the regeneration of the state. 

His successor Maximinus, a rough but brave Thracian 
who had risen from the position of a common 
soldier, compensated for the cowardly con- 
duct of his predecessor by an energetic expedition into 
the heart of Germany. The barbarians did not yet ven- 
ture to face a strong and well-led Eoman army ; they re- 
treated to their forests and morasses, and the brave em- 
peror, following them even thither, fought in front of all 
hand to hand. From these conflicts, which were doubt- 
less directed from Mentz primarily against the Alamanni, 
he could with right call himself Germanicus ; and even for 
the future the expedition of the year 236, for long the last 
great victory which the Romans gained on the Rhine, bore 
some fruit. Although the constant and bloody changes 
on the throne and the grave disasters in the East and on 
the Danube allowed the Romans no time to breathe, dur- 
ing the next twenty years, if peace was not strictly pre- 
served on the Rhine a greater disaster did not occur. It 
appears even that one of the upper German legions was 
at that time sent to Africa without its place being sup- 
plied, and so upper Germany was held as tolerably se- 
cure. But when in the year 253 the different generals of 
Rome were once more fighting each other for the imperial 
dignity, and the Rhine-legions marched to Italy to fight 

Chap. IV.] Roman Germany. 


out the cause of their emperor Valerianus against the 
Aemilianus of the Danube-army, this seems to have been 
the signal 1 for the Germans pushing forward especially 
towards the lower Rhine. 2 These Germans were the 
Franks, who appear here for the first time, 

The Franks. , 1 i pi 

perhaps new opponents only m name ; tor, al- 
though the identification of them, already to be met with 
in later antiquity, with tribes formerly named on the lower 
Rhine — partly, the Chamavi settled beside the Bructeri, 
partly the Sugambri formerly mentioned subject to the 
Romans — is uncertain and at least inadequate, there is 
here greater probability than in the case of the Alamanni 
that the Germans hitherto dependent on Rome on the 
right bank of the Rhine, and the Germanic tribes pre- 
viously dislodged from the Rhine, took at that time — un- 
der the collective name of the "Free" — the offensive in 
concert against the Romans. 

So long as Gallienus himself remained on the Rhine, 
he, notwithstanding the small forces that were 
at his disposal, kept his opponents to some 
extent in check, prevented them from crossing the river, 
or drove out again the intruders, although he doubtless 
ceded to one of the Germanic leaders a portion of the 
desired territory on the river-bank, under the condition of 
his acknowledging the Roman rule and defending his pos- 
session against his countrymen — which indeed almost 

1 Not merely the causal connection, but even the chronological 
succession of these important events is obscure. The account, rela- 
tively the best, in Zosimus, i. 29, describes the Germanic war as 
the cause why Valerian immediately on ascending the throne in 
253 made his son joint-ruler with equal rights ; and Valerian bears 
the title Germanicus maximus as early as 256 (C I. L. viii. 2380 ; 
likewise in 259 C. I. L. xi. 826), perhaps even if the coin in Cohen, 
n. 54, is to be trusted, the title Germanicus maximus ter. 

2 That the Germans, against whom Gallienus had to fight, are to 
be sought at least chiefly on the lower Rhine, is shown by the resi- 
dence of his son in Agrippina, where he can only have remained 
behind as nominal representative of his father. His biographer 
also, c. 8, names the Franks. 



Roman Germany. [Book VIIL 

amounted to a capitulation. But when the emperor, re- 
called by the still more dangerous position of affairs on 
the Danube, resorted thither and left behind as represent- 
ative in Gaul his elder son still in boyhood, one of the 
officers, to whom he had intrusted the defence of the 
Postumus frontier and the guardianship of his son, Mar- 
cus Cassianius Latinius Postumus, 1 got him- 
self proclaimed by his men as emperor and besieged in 

1 It is difficult to form a conception of the degree of historical falsi- 
fication which prevails in a portion of the Imperial Biographies ; it 
will not be amiss to present here a specimen of it in the account of 
Postumus. He is here called (no doubt in an inserted document) 
Iulius Postumus ( Tyr. 6), on the coins and inscriptions M. Cassian- 
ius Latinius Postumus, in the epitomised Victor, 32, Cassius La- 
bienus Postumus. — He reigns seven years (Gall. 4) ; Tyr. 3, 5 ; the 
coins name his tr.p. X., and Eutropius, ix. 10, gives him ten years. 
— His opponent is called Lollianus, according to the coins Ulpius 
Cornelius Laelianus, Laelianus in Eutropius ix. 9 (according to the 
one class of manuscripts, while the other follows the interpolation 
of the biographers) and in Victor (c. 33), Aelianus in the epitome 
of Victor. — Postumus and Victorinus rule jointly according to the 
biographer ; but there are no coins common to both, and conse- 
quently these confirm the report in Victor and Eutropius that Vic- 
torinus was the successor of Postumus. — It is a peculiarity of this 
class of falsifications that they reach their culmination in the docu- 
ments inserted. The Cologne epitaph of the two Victorini {Tyr. 7), 
hie duo Victorini tyranni (! ) siti sunt criticises itself. The alleged 
commission of Valerian, whereby the latter communicates to the 
Gauls the nomination of Postumus, not only praises prophetically 
the gifts of Postumus as a ruler, but names also various impossible 
offices ; a Transrhenani limitis dux et Galliae praeses at no time 
existed, and Postumus apxhv *v KeATois arpariwTuiv ifiireTricrT€viJ.evos 
(Zosimus, i. 38) can only have been praeses of one of the two Ger- 
manies, or, if his command was an extraordinary one, dux per Ger- 
manias. Equally impossible is, in the same quasi-document, the 
tribunatus Vocontiorum of the son, an evident imitation of the 
tribunates, as they emerge in the Notitia JDign. of the time of 
Honorius. —Against Postumus and Victorinus, under whom the 
Gauls and the Franks fight, Gallienus marches with Aureolus, after- 
wards his opponent, and the later emperor Claudius ; he himself is- 
wounded by a shot from an arrow, but is victorious, without any 
change being produced by the victory. Of this war the other ac- 
counts know nothing, Postumus falls in the military insurrection 

Chap. IV.] 

Roman Germany. 


Cologne Silvanus the guardian of the emperor's son. He 
was successful in capturing the town and in getting into 
his power his former colleague as well as the imperial boy, 
whereupon he had them both executed. But during this 
confusion the Franks burst over the Rhine, and not merely 
overflowed all Gaul, but penetrated also into Spain and 
indeed pillaged even the coast of Africa. Soon after- 
wards, when the capture of Valerian by the Persians had 
filled up the measure of misfortune, all the Koman land 
on the left bank of the Rhine in the upper province was 
lost, passing doubtless to the Alamanni, whose eruption 
into Italy in the last years of Gallienus necessarily pre- 
supposes this loss. He is the last emperor whose name 
is found on monuments on the right of the Rhine. His 
coins celebrate him on account of five great victories over 
the Germans, and not less are those of his successor in 
the Gallic rule, Postumus, full of the praise of the German 
victories of the deliverer of Gaul. Gallienus in his earlier 
years had taken up the struggle on the Rhine not without 
energy, and Postumus was even an excellent officer and 

instigated by the so-called Lolliamis, while according to the report 
in Victor and Eutropius, Postumus becomes master of this Mentz 
insurrection, but then the soldiers kill him because he will not de- 
liver up Mentz to them for plunder. As to the elevation of Postu- 
mus, by the side of the narrative which agrees in the main with 
the ordinary one, that Postumus had perfidiously set aside the son 
of Gallienus entrusted to his guardianship, stands another evidently 
invented to clear him, according to which the people in Gaul did 
this, and then offered the crown to Postumus. The tendency to 
eulogise one who had spared Gaul the fate of the Danubian lands 
and of Asia and had saved it from the Germans, comes here and 
everywhere (most obviously at Tyr. 5) to light ; with which is con- 
nected the fact that this report knows nothing of the loss of the right 
bank of the Rhine, and of the expeditions of the Franks to Gaul, 
Spain, and Africa. It is further significant that the alleged pro- 
genitor of the Constantinian house is here provided with an honour- 
able secondary part. This narrative, not confused but thoroughly 
falsified, must be completely set aside ; the reports on the one hand 
in Zosimus, on the other in the Latins drawing from a common 
source— Victor and Eutropius, short and confused as they are, can 
alone be taken into account. 

180 Roman Germany. [Book VIII. 

would gladly have been a good regent ; but amidst the 
utter unruliness which then prevailed in the Roman state 
or rather in the Roman army, the talent and ability of the 
individual profited neither himself nor the commonwealth. 
A series of flourishing Roman towns was at that time 
laid desolate by the invading barbarians, and the right 
bank of the Rhine was forever lost to the Romans. 

The re-establishment of peace and order in Gaul was 
Aurelianus primarily dependent on the cohesion of the 
empire generally ; so long as the Italian em- 
perors stationed their troops in the Narbonensis to set 
aside the Gallic rival, and the latter in turn made as 
though he would cross the Alps, effective operations 
against the Germans were of themselves excluded. It 
was only after that, about the year 272, 1 the then ruler of 
Gaul, Tetricus, weary of his ungrateful part, had himself 
brought about the submission of his troops to Aurelianus, 
the emperor recognised by the Roman senate, that the 
thought of warding off the Germans could be again enter- 
tained. The raids of the Alamanni, who had for almost 
ten years ravaged upper Italy as far down as Ravenna, had 
a stop put to them for long by the same able ruler who 
had brought Gaul back to the empire, and he emphatically 
defeated one of their tribes, the Juthungi, on the upper 
Danube. If his government had lasted he would doubt- 

1 The rule of Postumus lasted ten years (p. 178, note 1). That 
the elder son of Gallienus was already dead in 259, we learn from 
the inscription of Modena, G. I. L. xi. 826 ; the revolt of Postumus 
thus falls certainly in or before this year. As the captivity of Te- 
tricus cannot well be placed later than 272, immediately after the 
second expedition against Zenobia, and the three Gallic rulers 
reigned, Postumus for ten years, Victorinus for two (Eutropius, ix. 
9), Tetricus for two (Victor, 35), this brings the revolt of Postumus 
to somewhere about 259 ; yet such numbers are frequently some- 
what deranged. When the duration of the expeditions of the Ger- 
mans into Spain under Gallienus is definitely stated at twelve years 
(Orosius, vii. 41, 2), this appears to be superficially reckoned ac- 
cording to the Chronicle of Jerome. The usual exact numbers are 
unattested and deceptive, 

Chap. IV.] Roman Germany. 


less have renewed the protection of the frontier also in 
Gaul ; after his speedy and sudden end (275) the Germans 
once more crossed the Rhine and devastated the country 
far and wide. 

His successor Probus (from 276), also an able soldier, 
not merely drove them out afresh — he is said 
to have taken from them seventy towns — but 
also advanced again on the aggressive, crossed the Rhine, 
and drove the Germans back over the Neckar. He did 
not, however, renew the lines of the earlier time, 1 but 
contented himself with erecting and occupying at the 
more important positions of the Rhine tetes de pont on the 
other bank — that is, he reverted nearly to such arrange- 
ments as had subsisted here before Vespasian. At the 
same time the Franks were defeated by his generals in 
the northern province. Great masses of the vanquished 
Germans were sent as forced settlers to Gaul, and above 
all to Britain. In this way the frontier of the Rhine was 
won back and handed over to the later empire. No doubt, 
like the rule on the right bank of the Rhine, peace on the 
left had passed away beyond recall. The Alamanni stood 
in a threatening attitude opposite to Basel and Strass- 
burg, the Franks opposite to Cologne. By their side 
other tribes presented themselves. The fact that the 
Burgundiones, once settled beyond the Elbe, advancing 
westward as far as the upper Main, threatened Gaul, is 
first mentioned under the emperor Probus ; a few years 
later the Saxons, in concert with the Franks, began their 
attacks by sea on the north coast of Gaul as on the Roman 
Britain. But under the — for the most part — vigorous and 

1 According to the biographer, c. 14, 15, Probus brought the Ger- 
mans of the right bank of the Rhine into dependence, so that they 
were tributary to the Romans and defended the frontier for them 
(omnesjam barbari vobis arant, vobisjam serviunt et contra interiores 
f/entes militant) ; the right of bearing arms is left to them for the 
time, but the idea is, on further successes, to push forward the 
frontier and erect a province of Germania. Even as free fancies of 
a Roman of the fourth century — more they are not — these utter- 
ances have a certain interest. 


Roman Germany. [Book Till. 

capable emperors of the Diocletiano-Constantinian house, 
and even under their immediate successors, the Romans 
kept the threatening inundation of peoples within meas- 
ured bounds. 

To depict the Germans in their national development 
is not the task of the historian of the Romans ; 
K^rmaus!* f° r hi m they appear only as hindering or as 
destroying. An interpenetration of the two 
nationalities, and a mixed culture thence resulting, such 
as the Romanised land of the Celts presented, Roman 
Germany has none to show ; or — so far as concerns our 
conception of it — it coincides with the Romano- Gallic 
all the more, that the Germanic territories on the left 
bank of the Rhine, which remained for a considerable time 
in the Roman possession, were pervaded throughout with 
Celtic elements, and even those on the right, deprived for 
the most part of their original population, obtained the 
majority of the new settlers from Gaul. Communal centres, 
such as the Celtic system possessed in large number, were 
wanting to the German element. Partly on that account, 
partly in consequence of outward circumstances, the Ro- 
man element was able, as has been already brought out 
(p. Ill), to develop itself sooner and more fully in the 
Germanic east than in the Celtic regions. The encamp- 
ments of the army of the Rhine, all of which fell within 
Roman Germany, were of essential influence in this re- 
spect. The larger of them obtained, partly through the 
traders who attached themselves to the army, partly, and 
above all, through the veterans who remained in their 
wonted quarters even after their discharge, an urban ap- 
pendage — a town of huts (canabae), separate from the 
military quarters proper ; everywhere, and particularly in 
Germany, towns proper grew in time out of these at the 
legionary camps and especially the headquarters. At their 
head stood the Roman town of the Ubii, originally the 
second largest camp of the army of the lower Rhine, then 
from the year 50 onward a Roman colony (p. 107), exercis- 
ing the most important effect in elevating Roman civilisa- 

Chap. IV.] 

Roman Germany. 


tion in the region of the Rhine. Here the camp-town 
gave place to that of the Roman plantation ; subsequently 
urban rights were obtained, without shifting the quarters 
of the troops, by the settlements belonging to the two great 
camps of the lower Rhine — Ulpia Noviomagus, in the land 
of the Batavi, and Ulpia Traiana, near Vetera — from Trajan, 
and in the third century by the military capital of upper 
Germany, Mogontiacum. No doubt these civil towns al- 
ways retained a subordinate position by the side of the 
military centres of administration independent of them. 
If we look beyond the limit where this narrative closes, 
we certainly find, instead of the Romanising 
?°™ an German - of the Germans, in some measure a German- 
ising of the Romans. The last phase of the 
Roman state was marked by its becoming barbarian, and 
especially becoming Germanised ; and the beginnings of 
the process reach far back. It commences with the peas- 
antry in the colonate, passes on to the troop as modelled 
by the emperor Severus, seizes then on the officers and 
magistrates, and ends with the Romano-Germanic mixed 
states of the Visigoths in Spain and Gaul, the Vandals in 
Africa, above all, with the Italy of Theoderic. For the 
understanding of this last phase there is certainly needed 
an insight into the political development of the one as of 
the other nation. No doubt in this respect Germanic re- 
search stands so far at a disadvantage, as the political ar- 
rangements into which these Germans entered as servants 
or joint rulers are well known, far better than the sys- 
tematic history of the same epoch, while over the con- 
temporary condition of the Germans floats that gray 
morning-haze in which sharp outlines are lost. German 
heathenism, apart from the far north, perished before the 
time of which we have knowledge ; and the religious ele- 
ments, which are never wanting in a national war, we 
know doubtless for the Sassanidae, but not for the Mar- 
comani. The beginnings of the political development of 
the Germans are delineated for us in part by the picture 
of Tacitus — party coloured, hampered by modelling itself 


jRoman Germany. [Book VIII. 

on the ideas of a fading past, and but too often keeping 
silence as to elements of really decisive moment — while in 
part we must take them from the hybrid states which 
arose on formerly Eoman soil and had Roman elements 
everywhere inwoven. How the people and the league 
of peoples, how king and nobles, how freedom and non- 
freedom, were moulded in those circles from which Ar- 
minius and Theoderic came forth, we have no such defi- 
nite and precise knowledge as we have of the contemporary 
conditions of the antiquated civilisation with which that 
youthful vigour strove, and in concert with which it — con- 
quering and conquered — called the newer world of culture 
into life. However research may attempt to carry its 
torch into the early stages of Germanic growth, we shall 
never be able to picture to ourselves the two antagonists 
with an equally vivid clearness. 



Ninety-seven years elapsed from the time when Roman 
troops had entered, subdued, and again aban- 
SulnEmper^oned the great island in the north-western 
ocean, before the Roman government resolved 
to repeat the voyage and permanently to occupy Britain. 
Certainly Caesar's Britannic expedition had not been, like 
his campaigns against the Germans, a mere forward move- 
ment of defence. So far as his arm reached, he had made 
the individual tribes subject to the empire, and had regu- 
lated their annual tribute to it in this case as in Gaul. 
The leading tribe, too, which was to be firmly attached to 
Rome by its privileged position and thereby to become 
the fulcrum of Roman rule, was found ; the Trinovantes 
(Essex) were to take up on the Celtic island the same 
part — more advantageous than honourable — as the Haedni 
and the Remi on the Gallic continent. The bloody feud 
between the prince Cassivellaunus and the princely house 
of Camalodunum (Colchester) had been the immediate 
cause of the Roman invasion ; to reinstate this house 
Caesar had landed, and the object was for the moment 
attained. Beyond doubt Caesar never deceived himself as 
to the fact that that tribute, as well as this protectorate, 
were in the first instance mere words ; but these words 
were a programme which could not but bring about, and 
was intended to bring about, the permanent occupation of 
the island by Roman troops. 

Caesar himself did not get so far as permanently to 
organise the affairs of the subject island ; and for his suc- 
cessors Britain was a perplexity. The Britons who had 



[Book VIII. 

become subject to the empire certainly did not long pay — 
perhaps never paid at all — the tribute which was due. 
The protectorate over the dynasty of Camalodunum must 
have been still less respected, and had simply as its effect, 
that princes and scions of that house again and again ap- 
peared in Eome and invoked the intervention of the Eo- 
man government against neighbours and rivals. Thus king 
Dubnovellaunus, probably the successor of the prince of 
the Trinovantes confirmed by Caesar, came as a refugee 
to Rome to the emperor Augustus, and so, later, one of 
the princes of the same house came to the emperor 
Gaius. 1 

In fact the expedition to Britain was a necessary part of 
the heritage left by Caesar. Already during the dual rule 
Caesar the younger had projected such an expedition, and 
had only desisted from it on account of the more ur- 
gent necessity of procuring quiet in Illyricum, or on ac- 
count of the strained relation with Antonius, which proved 
useful to the Parthian s in the first instance as well as to 
the Britons. The courtly poets of the earlier years of 
Augustus celebrated variously in anticipation the Britan- 

1 To all appearance the political relations between Rome and 
Britain in the time before the conquest are to be regarded essen- 
tially as arising out of the restoration and guarantee (B. G. v. 22) 
of the principality of the Trinovantes by Caesar. That king Dub- 
novellaunus, who along with another quite unknown Britannic prince 
sought protection with Augustus, ruled chiefly in Essex, is shown 
by his coins (my Mon. Ancyr. 2d ed , p. 138 f.). We have to seek 
also mainly there the Britannic princes who sent to Augustus and 
recognised his supremacy (for such apparently we must take to be 
the meaning of Strabo, iv. 5, 3, p. 200 ; comp. Tacitus, Ann. ii. 
24). Cunobelinus, according to the coins the son of king Tascio- 
vanus, of whom history is silent, dying as it would seem in ad- 
vanced years between 40 and 43, and so running parallel in his 
government with the latter reign of Augustus and those of Tiberius 
and Gaius, resided in Camalodunum (Dio, lx. 21) ; around him 
and his sons the preliminary history of the invasion turns. To 
what quarter Bericus, who came to Claudius (Dio, lx. 19), belonged 
we do not know, and other British dynasts may have followed the 
example of those of Colchester ; but these stand at the head. 

Chap. V.] 



nic conquest ; the programme of Caesar was thus accepted 
and adopted by his successor. When the monarchy was 
consolidated, all Kome thereupon expected that the close 
of the civil war would be followed by the Britannic expe- 
dition ; the complaints of the poets as to the dreadful 
strife, without which the Britons would long since have 
been led in triumphal procession to the Capitol, became 
transformed into the proud hope of adding to the empire 
the new province of Britain. The expedition was, more- 
over, repeatedly announced (727, 728), yet 
Augustus, without formally abandoning the 
undertaking, soon desisted from carrying it out ; and Ti- 
berius, faithful to his maxim, adhered in this question 
also to the system of his father. 1 The worthless thoughts 
of the last Julian emperor roamed doubtless also over the 
ocean ; but serious things he was incapable of even plan- 
ning. It was the government of Claudius that first took 
up the plan of the dictator afresh and carried it out. 
What were the determining motives, on the one side as 
on the other, may be at least partially dis- 
andagainst/the cerned. Augustus himself laid it down that 
Britain* 1011 ° f ^he occupation of the island was not necessary 
from a military point of view — seeing that its 
inhabitants were not in a position to annoy the Bomans 
on the continent — and was not advantageous for the fi- 
nances; that what was to be drawn from Britain flowed into 
the exchequer of the empire in the form of import and 
export duties at the Gallic harbours ; that at least a legion 
and some cavalry would be requisite as garrison, and after 
deduction of its cost from the tribute of the island not 
much would be left. 2 All this was indisputably correct, 

1 Tacitus, Agr. 13, consilium id divus Augustus vocabat, Tiberius 

2 The exposition in Strabo, ii. 5, 8, p. 115 ; iv. 5, 3, p. 200, gives 
evidently the governmental version. That, after annexation of the 
island, the free traffic and therewith the produce of the customs 
would decline, must doubtless be taken as conceding the proposition 
that the Roman rule and the Roman tribute affected injuriously the 
prosperity of the subjects. 



[Book VIII. 

and, in fact, by no means enough ; experience showed 
later that a legion was far from sufficient to hold the 
island. We must further take into account, what the gov- 
ernment certainly had no occasion to say, that, considering 
the state of weakness to which the Roman army had been 
brought by the internal policy of Augustus, it could not 
but appear very hazardous to banish a considerable frag- 
ment of it, once for all, to a distant island of the North 
Sea. There was presumably only the choice of keeping 
aloof from Britain or increasing the army on its account ; 
and with Augustus considerations of internal policy always 
outweighed those of an external character. 

But yet the conviction of the necessity for subduing 
Britain must have predominated with Roman 
its necessity statesmen. Caesar's conduct would be incon- 

predominant. • i i • i» -i 1 n 1 

ceivable it we do not presuppose that con- 
viction in his case. Augustus at first formally recognised, 
and never formally disowned, the aim proposed by Caesar, 
notwithstanding its inconvenience. It was precisely the 
governments that were the most far-seeing and most tena- 
cious of purpose — those of Claudius, Nero, and Domitian 
— that laid the foundation for the conquest of Britain, or 
extended the work ; and, after it had taken place, it was 
never regarded in any such light as, possibly, the conquest 
by Trajan of Dacia and Mesopotamia. If the maxim of 
government, elsewhere adhered to almost inviolably, that 
the Roman empire had simply to fill, but not to extend, 
its bounds, was permanently set aside only in respect of 
Britain, the cause lies in the fact that the Celts could not 
be subdued in such a way as Rome's interest demanded, 
on the continent alone. This nation was to all appear- 
ance more connected than separated by the narrow arm of 
the sea which parts England and France ; the same names 
of peoples meet us on the one side and on the other ; the 
bounds of the individual states often reach over the Chan- 
nel ; the chief seat of the priestly system, which here more 
than anywhere else pervaded the whole nationality, was 
from of old the islands of the North Sea. These islanders 

Chap. V.] 



indeed were not able to wrest the continent of Gaul from 
the Koman legions ; but, if the conqueror of Gaul himself, 
and further the Roman government in Gaul, pursued other 
aims than in Syria and Egypt — if the Celts were to be an- 
nexed as members to the Italian nation — this task was 
doubtless impracticable, so long as the subjugated and the 
free Celtic territories touched each other over the sea, and 
the enemy of the Romans as well as the Roman deserter 
found an asylum in Britain. 1 In the first instance the 
subjugation of the southern coast sufficed for this pur- 
pose, although the effect was naturally the. greater, the 
farther the free Celtic territory was pushed back. The 
special regard of Claudius for his Gallic home and his 
knowledge of Gallic relations may also have played a part 
in the matter. 2 

What furnished occasion for the war was the fact that 
that very principality which sustained a certain 
the war. dependence on Rome under the leadership of 

cunobeimus. Cunobelinus — this was Shakespeare's 

Cymbeline — extended widely its rule, 3 and emancipated 
itself from the Roman protectorate. One of his sons — 
Adminius, who had revolted against his father, came to the 
emperor Gaius desiring protection, and upon his succes- 
sor refusing to deliver up to the British ruler these 
his subjects, the war arose in the first instance against the 
father and the brothers of this Adminius. The proper 
motive for it, indeed, was the indispensable need for com- 
pleting the conquest of a nation hitherto but half van- 
quished and keeping closely together. 

5 Suetonius, Claud. 17, specifies as cause of the war : Britanniam 
tunc tumultuantem ob non redditos transfugas ; which O. Hirschf eld 
justly brings into connection with Gai. 44 : Adminio Cunobellini 
Britannorum regis filiOy qui pulsus a patre cum exigua manu trans- 
fugerat, in deditionem recepto. By the tumultuari are doubtless 
meant at least projected expeditions for pillage to the Gallic coast. 
The war was certainly not waged on account of Bericus (Dio, lx. 19). 

s Mona was in like manner afterwards receptaculum perfugarum 
(Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 29). 

3 Tacitus, Ann. xii. 37 : pluribus gentibus imperitantem. 



[Book VIII. 

That the occupation of Britain could not ensue without 

a contemporary increase of the standing army 
raJSnts for was a l so the view of those statesmen who gave 
SsS ying the occasion to it ; three of the Rhine-legions and 

one from the Danube were destined thither, 1 
but at the same time two newly instituted legions were 
assigned to the Germanic armies. An able soldier, Aulus 
Plautius, was selected as leader of this expedition, and at 
the same time as first governor of the province ; it de- 
parted for the island in the year 43. The soldiers showed 
themselves reluctant, more doubtless because of the banish- 
ment to the distant island than from fear of the foe. One 
of the leading men, perhaps the soul of the undertaking, 
Narcissus, the emperor's cabinet-secretary, wished to in- 
stil into them courage ; they did not allow the slave to 
utter a word for their shouts of scoffing, but did withal as 
he wished and embarked. 

The occupation of the island was not attended by any 

special difficulty. The natives stood, in a 
ocrapation he political as in a military point of view, at the 

same low stage of development which Caesar 
had previously found in the island. Kings or queens 
reigned in the several cantons, which had no outward 
bond of conjunction and were at perpetual feud with one 
another. The men were doubtless possessed of bodily 
strength, endurance, and bravery — despising death ; and 
were in particular expert horsemen. But the Homeric 
war-chariot, which was still a reality here, and on which the 
princes of the land themselves wielded the reins, as little 

1 The three legions of the Rhine were the 2d Augusta, the 14th, 
and the 20th ; from Pannonia came the 9th Spanish. The same 
four legions were still stationed there at the beginning of the gov- 
ernment of Vespasian ; the latter called away the 14th for the war 
against Civilis, and it did not return to Britain, but, in its stead, 
probably the 2d Adiutrix. This was presumably transferred under 
Domitian to Pannonia ; under Hadrian the 9th was broken up and 
replaced by the 6th Victrix. The two other legions, the 2d Au- 
gusta and the 20th, were stationed in England from the beginning 
to the end of the Roman rule. 

Chap. V.] 



held its ground against the compact squadrons of Roman 
cavalry as the foot soldier without coat of mail and helmet, 
defended only by the small shield, was with his short 
javelin and his broad sword a match in close combat for 
the short Roman knife, or even for the heavy pilum of the 
legionary, and the plummet and arrow of the light Roman 
troops. To the army of about 40,000 well- trained soldiers 
the natives could oppose no corresponding defensive force. 
The disembarkation did not even encounter resistance ; 
the Britons had accounts as to the reluctant temper of the 
troops and no longer expected the landing. King Cuno- 
belinus had died shortly before ; the opposition was led 
by his two sons Caratacus and Togodumnus. The invad- 
ing army had its march at once directed to Camalodunum, 1 
and in a rapid course of victory it reached as far as the 
Thames ; here a halt was made, chiefly perhaps to give 
the emperor the opportunity of plucking the easy laurels 
in person. So soon as he arrived, the river was crossed ; 
the British levy was beaten, on which occasion Togodum- 
nus met his death ; Camalodunum itself was taken. His 
brother Caratacus, no doubt, obstinately continued the 
resistance, and gained for himself, in victory or defeat, a 
proud name with friend and foe ; nevertheless, the prog- 
ress of the Romans was not to be checked. One prince 
after another was beaten and deposed — the triumphal 
arch of Claudius names eleven British kings as conquered 
by him ; and what did not succumb to the Roman arms 
yielded to the Roman largesses. Numerous men of rank 
accepted the possessions which the emperor conferred on 
them at the expense of their countrymen ; various kings 
also submitted to the modest position of vassals, as indeed 
Cogidumnus the king of the Regni (Chichester) and Pra- 
sutagus the king of the Iceni (Norfolk) bore rule for a 
series of years as dependent princes. But in most dis- 

1 The identification, based only on dubious emendations, of the 
Boduni and Catuellani in Dio. lx. 20, with tribes of similar name in 
Ptolemy, cannot be correct ; these first conflicts must have taken 
place between $he coast and the Thames. 



[Book VIII. 

tricts of the island, which had hitherto been monarchically 
governed throughout, the conquerors introduced their 
communal constitution, and gave what was still left to be 
administered into the hands of the local men of rank — a 
course which brought in its train wretched factions and 
internal quarrels. Even under the first governor the 
whole level country as far as the Humber seems to have 
come into Roman power ; the Iceni, for example, had al- 
ready submitted to him. But it was not merely with the 
sword that the Romans made way for themselves ; veterans 
were brought to Camalodunum immediately after its cap- 
ture, and the first town of Roman organisation and Roman 
burgess-rights, the " Claudian colony of victory," was 
founded in Britain, destined to be the capital of the coun- 
try. Immediately afterwards began also the profitable 
working of the British mines, particularly of the produc- 
tive lead-mines ; there are British leaden bars from the 
sixth year after the invasion. Evidently with like rapidity 
the stream of Roman merchants and artisans poured itself 
over the field newly opened up ; if Camalodunum received 
Roman colonists, Roman townships, which soon obtained 
formally urban organisation, were formed elsewhere in 
the south of the island as a mere result of freedom of 
traffic and of immigration, particularly at the hot springs of 
Sulis (Bath), in Yerulamium (St. Albans to the northwest of 
London), and above all in the natural emporium of trading 
on a great scale — Londinium at the mouth of the Thames. 

The advance of the foreign rule asserted itself every- 
where, not merely in new taxes and levies, but perhaps 
still more in commerce and trade. When Plautius after 
four years of administration was recalled, he entered Rome 
in triumph, the last private who attained such honour, and 
honours and orders were lavished on the officers and sol- 
diers of the victorious legions ; triumphal arches were 
erected to the emperor in Rome, and thereafter in other 
towns, on account of victory achieved " without any losses 
whatever ; " the crown-prince born shortly before the in- 
vasion received, instead of his grandfather's name, that of 

Chap. V.] 



Britannicus. We may discern in these matters the un- 
military age disused to victories with loss, and the extrav- 
agance in keeping with political dotage ; but, if the inva- 
sion of Britain has not much significance from a military 
standpoint, testimony must withal be borne to the leading 
men that they set about the work in an energetic and per- 
sistent fashion, and that the painful and dangerous time 
of transition from independent to foreign rule in Britain 
was an unusually short one. 

After the first rapid success, it is true, there were de- 
veloped difficulties and even dangers, which the occupation 
of the island brought not merely to the conquered but also 
to the conquerors. 
They were masters of the level country, but not of the 

mountains or of the sea. The west above all 
WestBritoiS! S ave trouble to the Komans. No doubt in 

the extreme south-west, in what is now Corn- 
wall, the old nationality maintained itself, probably more 
because the conquerors concerned themselves but little 
about this remote corner than because it directly rebelled 
against them. But the Silures in the south of the modern 
Wales, and their northern neighbours the Ordovici, per- 

severingly defied the Boman arms ; the island 
1 Mona (Anglesey), adjacent to the latter, was 

the true focus of national and religious resistance. It was 
not the character of the ground alone that hindered the 
advance of the Romans ; what Britain had been for Gaul, 
that the large island Ivernia was now for Britain, and es- 
pecially for this west coast ; the freedom on the one side 
of the channel did not allow the foreign rule to take firm 
root in the other. We clearly recognise in the laying out 
of the legionary camps that the invasion was here arrested. 
Under the successor of Plautius the camp for the 14th legion 
was laid out at the confluence of the Tern with the Severn 
near Viroconium (Wroxeter, not far from Shrewsbury) ; 1 

1 Tacitus, Ann. xii. 31 (P. Ostorius) cuncta castris ad . . ntonam 
(MSS. read castris antoam) et Sabrinam fluvios coliibere parat. So 
the passage is to be restored, only that the name of the river Tern 



[Book VIII. 

presumably about the same time, to the south of it, 
that of Isca (Caerleon— Castra legionis) for the 2d ; to the 
north that of Deva (Chester = Castra) for the 20th ; these 
three camps shut off the region of Wales towards the 
south, north, and west, and protected thus the pacified land 
against the mountains that remained free. Into this re- 
gion the last prince of Camalodunum, Caratacus, threw him- 
self, after his home had become Roman. He was defeated 
by the successor of Plautius, Publius Ostorius Scapula, in 
the territory of the Ordovici, and soon afterwards deliv- 
ered up by the terrified Brigantes, with whom he had 
taken refuge, to the Romans (51), and conducted with all 
his adherents to Italy. In surprise he asked, when he saw 
the proud city, how the masters of such palaces could covet 
the poor huts of his native country. But with this the 
west was by no means subdued ; the Silures above all per- 
severed in obstinate resistance, and the fact that the Roman 
general announced his purpose of extirpating them to the 
last man did not contribute to make them more submissive. 

The enterprising governor, Gaius Suetonius 
Paullinus, attempted some years later (61) to 
bring into Roman power the chief seat of resistance, the 
island of Mona, and in spite of the furious opposition with 
which he was met, and in which the priests and the women 
took the lead, the sacred trees, beneath which many a 
Roman captive had bled, fell under the axes of the legion- 
aries. But out of the occupation of this last asylum of the 
Celtic priesthood there was developed a dangerous crisis 
in the subject territory itself ; and the governor was not 
destined to complete the conquest of Mona. 

not elsewhere given in tradition cannot be supplied. The only in- 
scriptions found in England of soldiers of the 14th legion, which left 
England under Nero, have come to light at Wroxeter, the so-called 
"English Pompeii.'' The epitaph of a soldier of the 20th has 
also been found there. The camp described by Tacitus was per- 
haps common at first to the two legions, and the 20th did not go 
till afterwards to Deva. That the camp at Isca was laid out 
immediately after the invasion is plain from Tacitus, Ann. xii„ 

Chap. V.] 



In Britain, too, the alien rule had to stand the test of 
national insurrection. What was undertaken 
by Mithradates in Asia Minor, by Vercinge- 
torix among the Celts of the continent, by Civilis among 
the subject Germans, was attempted among the insular 
Celts by a woman, the wife of one of those vassal-princes 
confirmed by Rome, the Queen of the Iceni, Boudicca. 
Her deceased husband had, to secure the future of his wife 
and his daughters, bequeathed his sovereignty to the em- 
peror Nero, and divided his property between the latter 
and his own relatives. The emperor took the legacy and, in 
addition, what was not to fall to him ; the princely cousins 
were put in chains, the widow was scourged, the daughters 
maltreated in more shameful fashion. Then came other 
wrongs at the hands of the later Neronian government. 
The veterans settled in Camalodunum chased the earlier 
possessors from house and homestead as it pleased them, 
without the authorities interfering to check them. The 
presents conferred by the emperor Claudius were confis- 
cated as revocable gifts. Roman ministers, who at the 
same time trafficked in money, drove in this way the 
Britannic communities, one after the other, to bankruptcy. 
The moment was favourable. The governor Paullinus, more 
brave than cautious, found himself, as we have said, with 
the flower of the Roman army in the remote island of 
Mona, and this attack on the most sacred seat of the 
national religion exasperated men's minds as much as it 
paved the way for insurrection. The old vehement Celtic 
faith, which had given the Romans so much trouble, burst 
forth once more for the last time in a mighty flame. The 
weakened and far separated camps of the legions in the 
west and in the north afforded no protection to the whole 
south-east of the island with its flourishing Roman towns. 
Above all, the capital, Camalodunum, was utterly de- 
fenceless ; there was no garrison. The walls 
ctmSXnum. were not completed, although the temple of 
their imperial founder, the new god Claudius, 
was so. The west of the island, probably kept down by 



[Book VIII. 

the legions stationed there, seems not to have taken part 
in the rising, and as little the non-subject north ; but, as 
frequently occurred in Celtic revolts, in the year 61 on 
a concerted signal all the rest of the subject territory rose 
in a moment against the foreigners, the Trinovantes, driven 
out of their capital, taking the lead. The second com- 
mander, who at the time represented the governor, the 
procurator Decianus Catus, had at the last moment sent 
what soldiers he had to its protection; they were 200 
men. They defended themselves with the veterans and 
the other Romans capable of arms for two days in the 
temple; then they were overpowered, and all that was 
Eoman in the town perished. The like fate befell the 
chief emporium of Eoman trade, Londinium, and a third 
flourishing Roman city, Verulamium (St. Albans, north- 
west of London), as well as the foreigners scattered over 
the island ; it was a national Vesper like that of Mithra- 
dates, and the number of victims — alleged to be 70,000 — 
was not less. The procurator gave up the cause of Rome 
as lost, and fled to the continent. The Roman army, too, 
became involved in the disaster. A number of scattered 
detachments and garrisons succumbed to the assaults of 
the insurgents. Quintus Petillius Cerialis, who held the 
command in the camp of Lindum, marched on Camalo- 
dunum with the 9th legion ; he came too late to save it, 
and, assailed by an enormous superiority of force, lost in 
the battle all his infantry ; the camp was stormed by the 
Brigantes. The same fate well-nigh overtook the general- 
in- chief. Hastily returning from the island of Mona, he 
called to him the 2d legion stationed at Isca ; but it did 
not obey the command, and with only about 10,000 men 
Paullinus had to take up the unequal struggle against the 
numberless and victorious army of the insurgents. If ever 
soldiers made good the errors of their leader it was on the 
day when this small band — chiefly the thenceforth cele- 
brated 14th legion — achieved, doubtless to its own sur- 
prise, a full victory, and once more established the Roman 
rule in Britain. Little was wanting to bring the name of 

Chap. V.] 



Paullinus into association with that of Varus. But suc- 
cess decides, and here it remained with the Romans. 1 The 
guilty commandant of the legion that remained aloof 
anticipated the court-martial, and threw himself upon his 
sword. The queen Boudicca drank the cup of poison. 
The otherwise brave general was not indeed brought to 
trial, as seemed to be at first the intention of the govern- 
ment, but was soon under a suitable pretext recalled. 
The subjugation of the western portions of the island 

was not continued at once by the successors 
WeTlS. * of Paullinus. The able general Sextus Julius 

Frontinus first under Vespasian forced the 
Silures to recognise the Roman rule ; his successor Gnaeus 
Julius Agricola, after obstinate conflicts with the Ordovici, 
effected what Paullinus had not achieved, and occupied in 
the year 78 the island of Mona. Afterwards there is no 
mention of active resistance in these regions ; the camp 
of Viroconium could probably about this time be dis- 
pensed with, and the legion thereby set free could be em- 

1 A worse narrative than that of Tacitus concerning this war, Ann. 
xiv. 31-39, is hardly to be found even in this most unmilitary of all 
authors. We are not told where the troops were stationed, and 
where the battles were fought; but we get, instead, signs and 
wonders enough and empty words only too many. The important 
facts, which are mentioned in the life of Agricola, 31, are wanting 
in the main narrative, especially the storming of the camp. That 
Paullinus coming from Mona should think not of saving the Romans 
in the south-east, but of uniting his troops, is intelligible ; but not 
why, if he wished to sacrifice Londinium, he should march thither 
on that account. If he really went thither, he can only have ap- 
peared there with a personal escort, without the corps which he had 
with him in Mona — which indeed has no meaning. The bulk 
of the Roman troops, as well those brought back from Mona as 
those still in existence elsewhere, can, after the extirpation of the 
9th legion, only have been stationed on the line Deva — Viroconium — 
Isca ; Paullinus fought the battle with the two legions stationed in 
the first two of these camps, the 14th and the (incomplete) 20th. 
That Paullinus fought because he was obliged to fight, is stated by 
Dio, lxii. 1-12, and although his narrative cannot be otherwise used 
to correct that of Tacitus, this much seems required by the very 
state of the case. 



[Book VIII 

ployed in northern Britain. But the other two legionary 
camps still remained on the spot down to the time of 
Diocletian, and only disappeared in the later state of the 
occupying force. If political considerations may have 
contributed to this (p. 190), yet the resistance of the west 
was probably continued even later, perhaps supported by 
communications with Ivernia. Moreover, the complete 
absence of Roman traces in the interior of Wales, and the 
Celtic nationality maintaining itself there up to the pres- 
ent day, tell in favour of this view. 

In the north the camp of the 9th Spanish legion in Lin- 

dum (Lincoln) formed the centre of the Boman 
subjugation position to the east of Viroconium. In closest 
Britain. contact with this camp in north England was 

the most powerful principality of the island, 
that of the Brigantes (Yorkshire) ; it had not properly sub- 
mitted, but the queen, Cartimandus, sought to keep peace 
with the conquerors and showed herself compliant to 
them. The party hostile to the Bomans had attempted 
to break loose here in the year 50, but the attempt had 
been quickly suppressed. Caratacus, beaten in the west, 
had hoped to be able to continue his resistance in the 
north, but the queen delivered him, as already stated, to 
the Bomans. These internal dissensions and domestic 
quarrels must have partly interfered with the rising against 
Paullinus, in which we find the Brigantes in a leading po- 
sition, and which fell with all its weight upon this very 
legion of the north. Meanwhile the Boman party of the 
Brigantes, however, was influential enough to obtain the 
restoration of the government of Cartimandus after the in- 
surrection was defeated. But some years afterwards the 
patriotic party there, supported by the watchword of revolt 
from Borne, which during the civil war after the downfall 
of Nero filled all the west, brought about a new rising of 
the Brigantes against the foreign rule, at the head of 
which stood Cartimandus's former husband, set aside and 
offended by her — the veteran warrior Venutius. It was 
only after prolonged conflicts that the mighty people was 

Chap. V.] 



subdued by Petillius Cerialis, the same who had fought 
unsuccessfully under Paullinus against these same Britons, 
now one of the most noted generals of Vespasian, and the 
first governor of the island nominated by him. The grad- 
ually slackening resistance of the west made it possible 
to combine one of the three legions hitherto stationed 
there with that stationed in Lindum, and to advance 
the camp itself from Lindum to the chief place of the 
Brigantes, Eburacum (York). But, so long as the west 
offered serious resistance, nothing further was done in 
the north for the extension of the Boman bounds ; at 
the Caledonian forest, says an author of the time of 
Vespasian, the Roman arms were arrested for thirty 

It was Agricola who first, after his work was over in the 
west, energetically set himself to the subjuga- 
tion also of the north. First of all, he created 
for himself a fleet, without which the provisioning of the 
troops in these mountains, which afforded few supplies, 
would have been impossible. Supported by this fleet he 
reached, under Titus (80), as far as the estuary of the Tava 
(Frith of Tay), into the region of Perth and Dundee, and 
employed the three following campaigns in gaining an 
exact knowledge of the wide districts between this frith 
and the previous Boman boundary on the two seas, in 
breaking everywhere the local resistance, and in construct- 
ing intrenchments at the fitting places ; with reference to 
which, in particular, the natural line of defence which is 
formed by the two friths running deeply into the land, of 
Clota (Clyde) near Glasgow, and Bodotria (Forth) near 
Edinburgh, was selected for the reserve. This advance 
called the whole Highlands under arms ; but the mighty 
battle which the united Caledonian tribes offered to the 
legions between the two friths of Forth and Tay at the 
Graupian mountains ended with the victory of Agricola. 
According to his view the subjugation of the island, once 
begun, had to be also completed, nay even extended to 
Ivernia ; and in favour of that course there might be urged, 



[Book VIII. 

with respect to Roman Britain, what the occupation of the 
island had brought about with respect to Gaul. Moreover, 
with an energetic carrying out of the occupation of the 
islands as a whole, the expenditure of men and money 
for the future would probably be reduced. 

The Roman government did not follow these counsels. 

How far personal and spiteful motives may 
abandoned. have co-operated in the recall of the victorious 

general in the year 85, who for that matter 
had remained longer in office than was usually the case 
elsewhere, must be left undetermined. The coincidence 
of the last victories of the general in Scotland and the 
first defeats of the emperor in the region of the Danube 
was certainly in a high degree annoying. But for the put- 
ting a stop to the operations in Britain, 1 and for the call- 
ing away, which apparently then ensued, of one of the 
four legions with which Agricola had executed his cam- 
paigns to Pannonia, a quite sufficient explanation is fur- 
nished by the military position of the state at that time — 
the extension of the Roman rule to the right bank of the 
Rhine in upper Germany and the outbreak of the danger- 
ous wars in Pannonia. This, indeed, does not explain 
why, withal, an end should be put to the pressing forward 
towards the north, and northern Scotland as well as Ire- 
land should be left to themselves. 

That thenceforth the government desisted not on ac- 
count of accidents of the situation for the 
Fo?Kp?ucr dS moment, but once for all, from pushing for- 
ward the frontier of the empire, and amidst 
all change of persons adhered to this course, we are 
taught by the whole later history of the island, and taught 
especially by the laborious and costly wall-structures to 
be mentioned immediately. Whether the completion of 
the conquest was renounced by them in the true interest 
of the state, is another question. That the imperial 
finances would only suffer loss by this extension of the 

. 1 Tacitus, Hist. i. 2, sums up the result in the words perdomita, 
Britannia et statim missa. 

Chap. V.] 



bounds was even now urged, quite as much as it formerly 
was against the occupation of the island itself ; but could 
not be decisive of the matter. 1 In a military point of view 
the occupation was capable of being carried out, as 
Agricola had conceived it, beyond doubt without material 
difficulty. But the consideration might turn the scale, 
that the Romanising of the regions still free would have 
to encounter great difficulty on account of the diversity of 
race. The Celts in England proper belonged throughout 
to those of the continent ; national name, faith, language, 
were common to both. If the Celtic nationality of the 
continent had found a support in the island, on the other 
hand the Romanising of Gaul necessarily carried its influ- 
ence over to England, and to this especially Rome owed 
the fact that Britain became Romanised with so surprising 
rapidity. But the natives of Ireland and Scotland be- 
longed to another stock and spoke another language ; the 
Briton understood their Gaelic probably as little as the 
German understood the language of the Scandinavians. 
The Caledonians — with the Iverni the Romans hardly 
came into contact — are described throughout as barba- 
rians of the wildest type. On the other hand, the priest 
of the oak (Derwydd, Druida) exercised his office on the 
Rhone as in Anglesey, but not in the island of the west 
nor in the mountains of the north. If the Romans had 
waged the war chiefly to bring the domain of the Druids 
entirely into their power, this aim was in some measure 
attained. Beyond doubt at another time all these con- 
siderations would not have induced the Romans to re- 
nounce the sea-frontier on the north when brought so near 
to them, and at least Caledonia would have been occupied. 
But the Rome of that time was no longer able to leaven 
farther regions with Roman habits ; the productive power 

1 The imperial finance-official under Pius, Appian {proem. 5), re- 
marks that the Romans had occupied the best part (rb kp<xticttov) of 
the British islands ob§\v T7js aWrjs Seofxevoi, ov yap etfcpopos avToU 
ia-rlv ou5' exovaiv. This was the answer of the governmental staff 
to Agricola and such as shared his opinion. 



[Book VIII. 

and the progressive spirit of the people had disappeared 
from it. At least that sort of conquest, which cannot be 
enforced by decrees and marches, would have hardly suc- 
ceeded, had they attempted it. 

Their aim therefore was to arrange the northern fron- 
tier appropriately for defence, and to this 
the northern object their military works were thenceforth 
directed. Eburacum remained the military 
centre. The wide territory occupied by Agricola was re- 
tained and furnished with forts, which served as advanced 
posts for the headquarters in rear ; probably the greatest 
part of the non-legionary troops were employed for this 
purpose. The construction of connected lines of fortifica- 
tion followed later. The first of the kind proceeded from 
Hadrian, and is also remarkable, in so far as it still in a 
certain sense subsists to the present day, and is more 
completely known than any other of the great 
Hadrian. ° f military structures of the Romans. It is, 
strictly taken, a military road protected on 
both sides by fortifications, leading from sea to sea for a 
length of about seventy miles, westward to the Solway 
Frith, and eastward to the mouth of the Tyne. The de- 
fence on the north is formed by a huge wall, originally at 
least 16 feet high and 8 feet thick, built on the two outer 
sides of square stones, filled up between with rubble and 
mortar, in front of which stretched a no less imposing 
fosse, 9 feet in depth and 34 feet or more in breadth at 
the top. Towards the south the road is protected by two 
parallel earthen ramparts, even now 6 to 7 feet high, be- 
tween which is drawn a fosse 7 feet deep, with a margin 
raised to the south, so that the structure from rampart to 
rampart has a total breadth of 24 feet. Between the stone- 
wall and the earthen ramparts on the road itself lie the 
camp-stations and watch-houses, viz. at the distance of 
about four miles from one another the cohort-camps, con- 
structed as forts, independently capable of defence, with 
gate-openings towards all the four sides ; between every 
two of these a smaller structure of a similar kind with 

Chap. V.] 



sallyports to the north and south ; between every two of 
the latter four smaller watch-houses within call of each 
other. This structure of grand solidity, which must have 
required as garrison 10,000 to 12,000 men, formed thence- 
forth the basis of military operations in the north of Eng- 
land. It was not a frontier- wall in the proper sense ; on 
the contrary, not merely did the posts that had already 
from Agricola's time been pushed forward far beyond it 
continue to subsist by its side, but subsequently the line, 

about a half shorter, from the Frith of Forth 
Intonfnu? to the Frith of Clyde, already occupied by 

Agricola with a chain of posts, was fortified in 
a similar but weaker way, first under Pius, then in a more 
comprehensive manner under Severus — as it were, as an 
advanced post for Hadrian's wall. 1 In point of construc- 

1 The opinion that the northern wall took the place of the south- 
ern is as widely spread as it is untenable ; the cohort-camps on Ha- 
drian's wall, as shown to us by the inscriptions of the second century, 
still subsisted in the main unchanged at the end of the third (for to 
this epoch belongs the relative section of the Notitia). The two 
structures subsisted side by side, after the more recent was added ; 
the mass of monuments at the wall of Severus also shows evidently 
that it continued to be occupied up to the end of the Roman rule in 

The building of Severus can only be referred to the northern 
structure. In the first place, the structure of Hadrian was of such 
a nature that any sort of restoration of it could not possibly be con • 
ceived as a new building, as is said of the wall of Severus ; while 
the structure of Pius was a mere earthen rampart (murus cespiticius, 
Vita, c. 5), and such an assumption in its case creates less difficulty. 
Secondly, the length of Severus' s wall 32 miles (Victor, Epit. 20 ; 
the impossible number 132 is an error of our MSS. of Eutropius, 
viii. 19 — where Paulus has preserved the correct nnmber ; which 
error has been then taken over by Hieronymus, Abr. 2221 ; Oro- 
sius, vii. 17, 7 ; and Cassiodorous on the year 207), does not suit 
Hadrian's wall of 80 miles ; but the structure of Pius, which, 
according to the data of inscriptions, was about 40 miles long, may 
well be meant, as the terminal points of the structure of Severus on 
the two seas may very well have been different and situated closer. 
Lastly, if, according to Dio, lxxvi. 12, the Caledonians dwell to the 
north and the Maeates to the south of the wall which divides the 



[Book VIII. 

tion this line was different from that of Hadrian only so • 
far as it was limited to a considerable earthen wall, with 
fosse in front and road behind, and so was not adapted 
for defence toward the south ; moreover, it too included 
a number of smaller camps. At this line the Roman 
imperial roads terminated, 1 and, although there were 
Roman posts even beyond this — the most northerly point, 
at which the tombstone of a Roman soldier has been 
found, is Ardoch, between Stirling and Perth — the limit 
of the expeditions of Agricola, the Frith of Tay, may be 
regarded as subsequently still the limit of the Roman 

We know more of these imposing defensive works than 
of the application that was made of them, and 
2d and 3d generally of the later events on this distant 

centuries. „ « tt i tt n • 

scene 01 wariare. Under Hadrian a severe 
disaster occurred here, to all appearance a sudden attack 
on the camp of Eburacum, and the annihilation of the le- 
gion stationed there, 2 the same 9th legion which had fought 
so unsuccessfully in the war with Boudicca. Probably 
this was occasioned, not by a hostile inroad, but by the 
revolt of the northern tribes that passed as subjects of the 
empire, especially of the Brigantes. With this we shall 
have to connect the fact that the wall of Hadrian presents 

island into two parts, the dwelling-places of the latter are indeed 
not otherwise known (comp. lxxv. 5), but cannot possibly, even ac- 
cording to the description which Dio gives of their district, be 
placed to the south of Hadrian's wall, and those of the Caledonians 
have extended up to the latter. Thus what is here meant is the 
line from Glasgow to Edinburgh. 

1 A limite id est a vallo is the expression in the Itinerarium, p. 

2 The chief proof of this lies in the disappearance of this legion, 
that undoubtedly took place soon after the year 108 (C. 1. L. vii. 
241), and the substitution for it of the 6th Victrix. The two notices 
which point to this incident (Fronto, p. 217 Naber : Hadriano im- 
perium obtine.nte quantum militum a Britannis caesum? Vita, 5, 
Britanrd teneri sub Romana dicione non poterant), as well as the al- 
lusion in Juvenal, xiv. 196 : castella Brigantum, point to a revolt, 
not to an inroad. 

Chap. V.] 



a front towards the south as well as towards the north ; 
evidently it was destined also for the purpose of keeping 
in check the superficially subdued north of England. 
Under Hadrian's successor Pius also conflicts took place 
here, in which the Brigantes again took part ; yet more 
exact information cannot be got.' The first serious attack 
upon this imperial boundary, and the first demonstrable 
crossing of the wall — doubtless that of Pius — took place 
under Marcus, and further attacks under Commodus ; as 
indeed Commodus is the first emperor who assumed the 
surname of victory Britannicus, after the able general 
Ulpius Marcellus had routed the barbarians. But the 
sinking of the Koman power was henceforth just as ap- 
parent here as on the Danube and on the Euphrates. In 
the turbulent early years of Severus's reign the Caledo- 
nians had broken their promise not to interfere with the 
Koman subjects, and, resting on their support, their 
southern neighbours, the Maeates, had compelled the 
Koman governor Lupus to ransom captive Romans with 
large sums. For this the heavy arm of Severus lighted on 
them not long before his death ; he penetrated into their 
own territory and compelled them to cede considerable 
tracts, 2 from which indeed, after the old emperor had died 
in 211 at the camp of Eburacum, his sons at once of their 
own accord withdrew the garrisons, to be relieved of their 
burdensome defence. 

1 If Pius, according to Pausanias, viii. 43, 4, aiTere/Aero twu eV 
RpiTTavvLU BpiydvTcau ttjv iroWrjv, on eirec&a'ii'e u Kal ovto avv onhois 
?ipt,av is tV Tevowiav fiolpav (unknown ; perhaps, as O. Hirschfeld 
suggests, the town of the Brigantes, Vinonia) vtttjkoovs "Pa> ualwv, it 
follows from this, not that there were Brigantes also in Caledonia, 
but that the Brigantes in the north of England at that time ravaged 
the settled land of the Britons, and therefore a part of their terri- 
tory was confiscated. ' 

2 That he had the design of bringing the whole north under 'the 
Roman power (Dio, Ixxvi. 13} is not very compatible either with 
the cession (I.e. ) or with the building of the wall, and is doubtless 
as fabulous as the Roman loss of 50,000 men without the matter 
even coming to a battle. 



[Book VIII. 

From the third century hardly anything is told us of the 
fate of the island. Since none of the emperors 
sSts.° nians and down to Diocletian and his colleagues derived 
the name of conqueror from the island, there 
were probably no more serious conflicts in that quarter ; 
and, although in the region lying between the walls of 
Pius and of Hadrian the Eoman system doubtless never 
gained a firm footing, yet at least the wall of Hadrian 
seems to have rendered even then the service for which it 
was intended, and the foreign civilisation seems to have 
developed in security behind it. In the time of Diocletian 
we find the district between the two walls evacuated, but 
the Hadrianic wall occupied still as before, and the rest of 
the Roman army in cantonments between it and the head- 
quarters Eburacum, to ward off the predatory expeditions, 
thenceforth often mentioned, of the Caledonians, or — as 
they are now usually called — the "tattooed " (picti), and 
the Scots streaming in from Ivernia. 

The Romans possessed a standing fleet in Britain ; but, 
as the marine always remained the weak side 
of Roman warlike organisation, the British 
fleet was temporarily of importance only under Agricola. 
If, as is probable, the government had reckoned on being 
able to take back the greater part of the troops 
SiSstration d iS d " sent to tne i s l an d> after it had been occupied, 
the 2d and 3d this hope was not fulfilled : only one of the 

centuries. 1 * 

four legions sent thither was, as we have seen, 
recalled under Domitian ; the three others must have been 
indispensable, for no attempt was ever made to shift them. 
To these fall to be added the auxiliaries, who were called 
out apparently in larger proportion than the burgess- 
troops for the far from inviting service in the remote 
island of the North Sea. In the battle at the Graupian 
Mount in 84 there fought, besides the four legions, 8000 
infantry and 3000 horsemen of the auxiliary soldiers. 
For the time of Trajan and Hadrian, when of these there 
were stationed in Britain six alae and twenty-one cohorts, 
together about 15,000 men, we shall have to estimate the 

Chap. V.] 



whole British army at about 30,000 men. Britain was 
from the outset a field of command of the first rank, in- 
ferior to the two Rhenish commands and to the Syrian 
perhaps in rank, but not in importance, towards the end 
of the second century probably the most highly esteemed 
of all the governorships. It was owing only to the great 
distance that the British legions appear in the second rank 
amidst the corps-partisanships of the earlier imperial 
period ; in the corps-warfare after the extinction of the 
Antonine house they fought in the first rank. But it was 
one of the consequences of the victory of Severus that the 
governorship was divided. Thenceforth the two legions 
of Isca and Deva were placed under the legate of the up- 
per province, the legion of Eburacum and the troops at 
the walls — consequently the main body of the auxiliaries 
— under the legate of the lower province. 1 Probably the 
transference of the whole garrison to the north, which, as 
was above remarked, would doubtless have been appro- 
priate on mere military grounds, was not carried out — 
partly because it would have put three legions into the 
hands of one governor. 

That financially the province cost more than it brought 

in (p. 187), can accordingly excite no surprise. 
Taxation and p or ^ e m iiitary strength of the empire, on 

the other hand, Britain was of considerable 
account ; the balance of proportion between taxation and 
levy must have had its application also to the island, and 
the British troops were reckoned alongside of the Illyrian 
as the flower of the army. At the very beginning seven 
cohorts were raised from the natives there, and these were 
constantly increased onward to the time of Hadrian ; after 
the latter had brought in the system of recruiting the 
troops as far as possible from their garrison-districts, 
Britain appears to have furnished the supply, at least in 
great part, for its strong garrison. There was an earnest 
and brave spirit in the people ; they bore willingly the 

1 The division results from Dio, lv. 23. 



[Book VIII. 

taxes and the levy, but not the arrogance and brutality of 
the officials. 

As a basis for the internal organisation of Britain, the 
cantonal constitution existing there at the 
K c a °~ a n! or ' time of the conquest offered itself, which dif- 
fered, as we have already remarked, from that 
of the Celts of the continent essentially only in the fact 
that the several tribes of the island, apparently all of them, 
were under princes (iv. 271). But this organ- 
isation seems not to have been retained, and 
the canton (civitas) to have become in Britain as in Spain 
a geographical conception ; at least we can hardly other- 
wise explain the facts that the Britannic tribes, taken in 
the strict sense, disappear as soon as they fall under Ro- 
man rule, and of the individual cantons after their subju- 
gation there is virtually no mention at all. Probably the 
several principalities, as they were subdued and annexed, 
were broken up into smaller communities ; this was facili- 
tated by the fact that there did not exist on the island, 
as there did on the continent, a cantonal constitution or- 
ganised without a monarchic head. With this is doubt- 
less connected the circumstance that, while the Gallic 
cantons possessed a common capital and in it a political 
and religious collective representation, nothing similar is 
stated as to Britain. The province was not without a 
concilium and a common cultus of the emperor ; but, if 
the altar of Claudius in Camalodunum 1 had been even 
approximately what that of Augustus was in Lugudunum, 
something would doubtless have been heard of it. The 

1 To it doubtless the epigram of Seneca applies (vol. iv. 69, Bah- 
rens) : oceanusque tuas ultra se rcspidt aras. Tlie temple too, 
which according to the satire of the same Seneca (viii. 3), was 
erected to Claudius during his lifetime in Britain, and the temple 
certainly identical therewith of the god Claudius in Camalodunum 
(Tacitus, Ann. xiv. 31), is probably to be taken not as a sanctuary 
for the town itself, but after the analogy of the shrines of Augustus 
at Lugudunum and Tarraco. The delecti sacerdotes, who specie re- 
Ugionis omnes fortunas effundebant, are the well-known provincial 
priests and purveyors of spectacles. 

Chap. V.] 



free and great political remodelling, which was given to 
the Gallic country byXUaesar and confirmed by his son, no 
longer fits into the framework of the later imperial policy. 

We have already mentioned the founding, nearly con- 
temporary with the invasion of Britain, of the colony 
Camalodunum (p. 191), as it has also been already noticed 
that the Italian urban constitution was early introduced 
into a series of British townships. Herein, too, Britain 
was treated more after the model of Spain than after that 
of the Celtic continent. 

The internal condition of Britain must, in spite of the 
general faults of the imperial government, 
have been, at least in comparison with other 
regions, not unfavourable. If the people in the north knew 
only hunting and pasturing, and the inhabitants there as 
well as those adjoining them were always ready for feud 
and rapine, the south developed itself in an undisturbed 
state of peace, especially by means of agriculture, and along 
with it by cattle-rearing and the working of mines, to a 
moderate prosperity. The Gallic orators of Diocletian's 
time praise the wealth of the fertile island, and often 
enough the Rhine-legions received their corn from Britain. 

The network of roads in the island, which was uncom- 
monly developed, and for which in particular 
Hadrian did much in connection with the 
building of his wall, was of course primarily subservient 
to military ends ; but alongside of, and in fact taking 
precedence over the legionary camps Londinium occupies 
in that respect a place which brings clearly into view its 
leading position in traffic. Only in Wales were these im- 
perial roads solely in the immediate neighbourhood of the 
Roman camps, from Isca to Nidum (Neath) and from Deva 
to the point of crossing to Mona. 

Roman Britain sustained a relation to Romanising simi- 
lar to that of northern and central Gaul. The 
anTc a uitur a e nners national deiti es, the Mars Belatucadrus or 
Cocidius, the goddess Sulis treated as equiva- 
lent to Minerva, after whom the modern city of Bath was 



[Book VIII. 

named, still received much worship on the island even in 
the Latin language. The language and manners that 
penetrated thither from Italy were yet more an exotic 
growth on the island than on the continent ; still towards 
the close of the first century the families of note there 
shunned as well the Latin language as the Latin dress. 
The great urban centres, the seats proper of the new cul- 
ture, were more weakly developed in Britain ; we do not 
precisely know what English town served as seat for the 
concilium of the province and for the common worship of 
the emperor, or in which of the three legion-camps the 
governor of the province resided ; if, as it seems, the civil 
capital of Britain was Camalodunum, and the military 
capital Eburacum, 1 the latter can as little measure itself 
with Mentz as the former with Lyons. The ruined sites 
even of places of note, of the Claudian veteran-town Cama- 
lodunum, and the populous mercantile town Londinium, 
and not less the camps of the legions for several hundred 
years, at Deva, Isca, Eburacum, present inscribed stones 
only in trifling number ; towns of name with Roman 
rights like the colony Glevum (Gloucester), and the muni- 
cipium Verulamium, have hitherto yielded not a single 
one ; the custom of setting up memorial-stones, on the re- 
sults of which we are for such questions largely depend- 
ent, never rightly prevailed in Britain. In the interior of 
Wales and in other less accessible districts no Roman 
monuments at all have come to light. But there exist 
withal clear traces of the stirring commerce and traffic 
brought into prominence by Tacitus, such as the numerous 
drinking-cups which have come out of the ruins of Lon- 
don, and the London network of roads. If Agricola ex- 
erted himself to transplant municipal emulation in the 

1 The command stationed here was, at least in later times, with- 
out question the most important among the Britannic ; and there is 
also mention here (for it is beyond doubt Eburacum that is in view) 
of a Palatium {Vita JSevcri, 22). The praetorium, situated probably 
on the coast below Eburacum (Itin. Ant. p. 466), may have been 
the summer seat of the governor. 

Chap. V.] 



embellishment of one's native city by buildings and monu- 
ments to Britain, as it had been transferred from Italy to 
Africa and Spain, and to induce the islanders of note to 
adorn the markets of their home and to erect temples 
and palaces, as this was usual elsewhere, he was but in a 
slight degree successful as regards the public buildings. 
But it was otherwise as regards private economics ; the 
stately country-houses constructed and embellished in 
Roman fashion, of which now nothing is left but the 
mosaic pavements, are found in southern Britain — so far 
north as the region of York ] — as frequently as in the land 
of the Bhine. The higher scholastic training of youth 
penetrated gradually from Gaul into Britain. It is speci- 
fied among Agricola's administrative successes that the 
Boman tutor began to find his way into the leading 
houses of the island. In Hadrian's time Britain is de- 
scribed as a region conquered by the Gallic schoolmasters, 
and " even Thule speaks of hiring a professor for itself." 
These schoolmasters were in the first instance Latin, but 
Greeks also came ; Plutarch tells of a conversation which 
he held at Delphi with a Greek teacher of languages 
from Tarsus returning home from Britain. If in modern 
England, apart from Wales and Cumberland, the old na- 
tive language has disappeared, it has given way not to the 
Angles or to the Saxons, but to the Roman idiom ; and, as 
usually happens in border-lands, in the later imperial 
period no one stood more faithfully by Borne than the 
man of Britain. It was not Britain that gave up Rome, 
but Rome that gave up Britain — the last that we learn of 
the island is the urgent entreaty of the population ad- 
dressed to the emperor Honorius for protection against 
the Saxons, and his answer, that they might help them- 
selves as best they could. 

1 None have been found to the north of Aldborough and Easing- 
wold (both somewhat north of York). See Bruce, The Roman Wall, 
p. 61. 



As the frontier on the Ehine was the work of Caesar, so 
the frontier on the Danube was the work of 
oiS35S? Augustus. When he came to the helm, the 
Romans were in the Italian peninsula hardly 
masters of the Alps, and in the Greek peninsula hardly 
masters of the Haemus (Balkan) and of the coast districts 
along the Adriatic and the Black Sea ; nowhere did their 
territory reach the mighty stream which separates south- 
ern from northern Europe. As well northern Italy as the 
Ulyrian and Pontic commercial towns, and still more the 
civilised provinces of Macedonia and Thrace, were con- 
stantly exposed to the predatory expeditions of the rude 
and restless neighbouring tribes. When Augustus died 
there were substituted for the one province of Illyricum, 
which had barely attained to independent administration, 
five great Roman administrative districts, Raetia, Noricum, 
Lower Illyria or Pannonia, Upper Illyria or Dalmatia, and 
Moesia ; and the Danube became in its whole course, if 
not everywhere the military, at any rate the political, 
frontier of the empire. The comparatively easy subjuga- 
tion of these wide territories, as well as the grave insur- 
rection of the years 6-9, and the abandonment, thereby 
occasioned, of the formerly cherished purpose of shifting 
the boundary-line from the upper Danube to Bohemia and 
to the Elbe, have been formerly described. It remains 
that we should set forth the development of these prov- 
inces in the time after Augustus and the relations of the 
Romans to the tribes dwelling beyond the Danube. 

Chap. VI] 

The Danuhian Lands. 


The destinies of Kaetia were so closely interwoven with 
those of the upper German province that we 
in a Raetia lsatlon might refer for them to the earlier narrative. 

Roman civilisation here, taken as a whole, 
underwent but little development. The highlands of the 
Alps with the valleys of the upper Inn and the upper 
Rhine embraced a weak and peculiar population, probably 
the same as had once possessed the eastern half of the 
north-Italian plain, perhaps akin to the Etruscans. Driven 
back thence by the Celts, and perhaps also by the Illyrici, 
it held its ground in the northern mountains. While the 
valleys opening to the south, like that of the Adige, were 
attached to Italy, these offered to the southerns little 
room and still less incitement for settlement and founding 
of towns. Farther northward on the plateau between the 
lake of Constance and the Inn, which was occupied by the 
Celtic tribes of the Vindelici, there would doubtless have 
been room and place for Roman culture ; but apparently 
in this region, which could not become, like the Norican, 
an immediate continuation of Italy, and which, like the 
adjacent so-called Decumates-land, was probably in the 
first instance of value for the Romans merely as separating 
them from the Germans, the policy of the earlier imperial 
period had rather repressed culture. We have already 
indicated (p. 21) that immediately after the conquest there 
were thoughts of depopulating the district. Alongside of 
this lies the fact, that in the earlier imperial period no 
community with Roman organisation originated here. It 
is true that the founding of Augusta Vindelicorum, the 
modern Augsburg, was a necessary part of the laying out 
of the great road which was carried, simultaneously with 
the conquest itself, by the elder Drusus through the high 
Alps to the Danube (pp. 22, 23) ; but this rapidly flour- 
ishing place was, and remained for above a century, a 
market-village, till at length Hadrian in this respect left 
the path prescribed by Augustus and made the land of 
the Vindelici share in the Romanising of the north. The 
bestowal of Roman urban rights on the chief place of the 


The Danubian Lands. 

[Book VIII. 

Vindelici by Hadrian may be connected with the fact that, 
nearly about the same time, the military frontier was 
pushed forward on the upper Rhine, and Roman towns 
arose in the former Decumates-land ; nevertheless in 
Raetia ever afterwards Augusta remained the only larger 
centre of Roman civilisation. The military arrangements 
exercised an influence in keeping it back. The province 
was from the first under imperial administration, and 
could not be left without a garrison ; but special con- 
siderations, as we have formerly shown, compelled the 
government to send to Raetia simply troops of the second 
class, and, though these were not inconsiderable in num- 
ber, the smaller headquarters of alae and cohortes could 
not have exercised a civilising and town-forming effect 
like the camp of the legion. Under Marcus certainly, in 
consequence of the Marcomanian war, the Raetian head- 
quarters, Castra Regina, the modern Ratisbon, was occu- 
pied by a legion ; but even this place appears to have re- 
mained in the Roman time a mere military settlement, and 
hardly to have stood on a line in urban development with 
the camps of second rank on the Rhine, such as e.g. Bonna. 
That the frontier of Raetia was already in Trajan's time 

pushed forward from Ratisbon westward some 
L?me S Raetian distance beyond the Danube, has already been 

observed (p. 171) ; and it has been there also 
shown that this territory was probably annexed to the em- 
pire without applying force of arms, similarly with the De- 
cumates-land. It was likewise already mentioned that the 
fortifying of this territory was perhaps connected with the 
incursions of the Chatti extending thus far under Marcus, as 
also that these and subsequently the Alamanni in the third 
century visited as well this country in front as Raetia itself, 
and ultimately under Gallienus wrested it from the Romans. 
The neighbouring province of Noricum was doubtless 

in the provincial arrangement treated simi- 
SnoSSS 8 l ar ty to- Raetia, but in other respects had a 

different development. In no direction was 
Italy so open for land-traffic as towards the north-east ; 

Chap. VI.] 

The Danubian Lands, 


the commercial relations of Aquileia, as well through Fri- 
uli with the upper Danube and with the iron-works of 
Noreia, as over the Julian Alps with the valley of the Save, 
here paved the way for the Augustan extension of the fron- 
tier as nowhere else in the region of the Danube. Nau- 
portus (Upper Laybach) beyond the pass was a Roman trad- 
ing village already in the time of the republic ; Emona 
(Laybach), a Roman burgess-colony, afterwards formally 
incorporated with Italy, but substantially belonging to 
Italy from the time of its foundation by Augustus. Hence, 
as has already been noticed (p. 21), the mere proclamation 
was probably enough for the conversion of this "king- 
dom " into a Roman province. The population, originally 
doubtless Illyrian, afterwards in good part Celtic, shows 
no trace of that adherence to the national ways and lan- 
guage which we perceive among the Celts of the west. 
Roman language and Roman manners must have found 
early entrance here ; and by the emperor Claudius the 
whole territory, even the northern portion separated by 
the Tauern chain from the valley of the Drave, was organ- 
ised in accordance with the Italian municipal constitution. 
While in the neighbouring lands of Raetia and Pannonia 
the monuments of Roman language are either wanting or 
appear withal only at the larger centres, the valleys of the 
Drave, the Mur, and the Salzach and their affluents are 
filled far up into the mountains with evidences of the Ro- 
manising which here took deep hold. Noricum adjoined, 
and was as it were a part of, Italy ; in the levy for the 
legions and for the guard, so long as the Italians were here 
at all preferred, this preference was extended to no other 
province so fully as to this. 

As respects military occupation what applies to Raetia 
applies also to Noricum. For the reasons already devel- 
oped there was in Noricum, during the first two centuries 
of the empire, only a camp of alae and cohortes. Carnun- 
tum (Petronell, near Vienna), which in the Augustan age 
belonged to Noricum, was, when the Illyrian legions were 
sent thither, annexed for that very reason to Pannonia. 


The Danubian Lands. 

("Book VIII. 

The smaller Norican encampments on the Danube, and 
even the camp of Lauriacum (near Enns), instituted by 
Marcus for the legion sent by him to this province, were 
of no importance for the urban development. The large 
townships of Noricum, such as Celeia (Cilli), in the valley 
of the Sann, Aguontum (Lienz), Teurnia (not far from 
Spital), Virunum (Zollfeld, near Klagenfurt), in the north 
Juvavum (Salzburg), originated purely out of civil ele- 

Illyricum, that is the Roman territory between Italy and 
Macedonia, was in the republican time united 
t!tocij llynan as *° its lesser portion, with the Graeco-' 
Macedonian governorship, as to its greater, 
administered as a land adjacent to Italy, and, after the 
institution of the governorship of Cisalpine Gaul, as a 
portion of the latter. The territory coincides to a certain 
degree with the widely diffused stock from which the 
Romans named it ; it is the same whose scanty remnant 
still at the present day, at the southern end of its formerly 
far-extended possessions, has preserved its own nationality 
and its old language under the name of Skipetars, which 
they assign to themselves, or, as their neighbours call 
them, the Arnauts or Albanians. It is a member of the 
Indo-Germanic family, and within it doubtless most closely 
akin to the Greek branch, as is in keeping with its local 
relations ; but it stands by the side of the Greek at least 
as independent as the Latin and the Celtic. This nation 
in its original extent filled the coast of the Adriatic Sea 
from the mouth of the Po through Istria, Dalmatia, and 
Epirus, as far as Acarnania and Aetolia, and also in the 
interior upper Macedonia, as well as the modern Servia 
and Bosnia and the Hungarian territory on the right bank 
of the Danube ; it bordered thus on the east with the 
Thracian tribes, on the west with the Celtic, from 
which latter Tacitus expressly distinguishes them. It is 
a vigorous type of a southern kind, with black hair and 
dark eyes, very different from the Celts, and still more 
from the Germans ; sober, temperate, intrepid, proud 

Chap. VI.] The Danubian Lands. 


people, excellent soldiers, but little accessible to civic 
organization, shepherds more than agriculturists. They 
did not attain any great political development. On the 
Italian coast they were confronted probably, in the first 
instance, by the Celts ; the probably Illyrian tribes there, 
especially the Veneti, became, through rivalry with the 
Celts, at an early date pliant subjects of the Romans. 
At the end of the sixth century of the city the founding 
of Aquileia and the subjugation of the penin- 
wUh e Rome S sula of Istria 233 f -) farther narrowed their 
limits. Along the east coast of the Adriatic 
Sea the more important islands and the southern harbours 
of the mainland had long been occupied by the bold 
Hellenic mariners. When thereupon in Scodra (Scutari), 
to a certain extent in olden time as now the central point 
of the Illyrian land, the rulers began to develop a power 
of their own, and especially to make war upon the Greeks 
at sea, Rome, even before the Hannibalic war, struck them 
down with a strong hand, and took tho whole coast under 
its protectorate (ii. 91 f.) ; which soon, after the ruler of 
Scodra had shared war and defeat with king Perseus of 
Macedonia, brought about the complete dissolution of this 
principality (ii. 357). At the end of the sixth century of the 
city, and in the first half of the seventh, after long years 
of conflict, the coast between Istria and Scodra was also 
occupied by the Romans (iii. 209 f.). In the interior the 
Illyriaiis were little touched by the Romans during the 
republican period ; but instead the Celts, advancing from 
the west, must have brought under their power a good por- 
tion of originally Illyrian territory, such as Noricum, after- 
wards preponderantly Celtic. The Latobici also in the 
modern Carniola were Celts ; and in the whole territory 
between the Save and Drave, just as in the Raab valley, the 
two great stocks were settled promiscuously, when Caesar 
Augustus subjected the southern districts of Pannonia 
to the Roman rule. Probably this strong admixture of 
Celtic elements contributed its part, along with the level 
character of the ground, to the early decline of the Illyrian 


The DanuUan Lands. [Book VIII. 

nation in the Pannonian districts. Into the southern half, 
on the other hand, of the regions inhabited by Illyrians 
there penetrated of the Celts only the Scordisci, whose 
establishment on the lower Save as far as Morava, and 
raids as far as the vicinity of Thessalonica, have been 
formerly mentioned (iii. 213). But the Greeks here gave 
place to them in some measure ; the sinking of the Mace- 
donian power, and the desolation of Epirus and Aetolia, 
must have favoured the extension of the Illyrian neigh- 
bours. Bosnia, Servia, above all Albania, were in the im- 
perial period Illyrian, and Albania is so still. 

It has already been mentioned that Illyricum was, ac- 
cording to the design of the dictator Caesar, to 
n?yrteum! nce ° f b e constituted as a special governorship, and 
this design came into execution on the par- 
tition of the provinces between Augustus and the senate ; 
that this governorship, at first committed to the senate, 
passed to the emperor on account of the need for waging 
war there ; that Augustus divided this governorship and 
rendered effective the rule, which hitherto on the whole 
had been but nominal, over the interior both in Dalmatia 
and in the region of the Save ; and, lastly, that he subdued, 
after a severe struggle of four years, the mighty national 
insurrection which broke out among the Dalmatian as 
among the Pannonian Illyrians in the year 6. It remains 
that we relate the further fortunes, in the first instance, of 
the southern province. 

After the experience attained in the insurrection it 
seemed requisite not merely to employ the 
Daimatia and its forces raised in Illyricum abroad rather than 

Italian civilisa- , .,, , ' . . , , , , 

tion as hitherto in their native country, but also 

to keep in subordination the Dalmatians as 
well as the Pannonians by a command of the first rank. 
This rapidly fulfilled its object. The resistance, which 
the Illyrici under Augustus opposed to the unwonted for- 
eign rule, expended its rage in the one violent storm ; 
afterwards our reports record no similar movement, even 
of but a partial kind. For the southern or, according 

Chap. VI.] 

The Danubian Lands. 


to the Roman expression, the Upper Ulyricum — the prov- 
ince Dalmatia, as it was usually called from the time of 
the Flavii — a new epoch began with the government of 
the emperors. The Greek merchants had indeed founded 
on the coast lying nearest to them the two great emporia 
of Apollonia (near Valona) and Dyrrachium (Durazzo) ; 
for that very reason this portion had already under the 
republic been consigned to Greek administration. But 
farther northward the Hellenes had settled only on the 
adjacent islands Issa (Lissa), Pharos (Lesina), Black-Cor- 
cyra (Curzola), and thence maintained intercourse with 
the natives particularly along the coast of Narona and in 
the townships adjacent to Salonae. Under the Koman re- 
public the Italian traders, who here entered upon the 
heritage of the Greek, had settled in the chief ports Epi- 
taurum (Kagusa Vecchia), Narona, Salonae, Iader (Zara), 
in such numbers that they could play a not unimportant 
part in the war of Caesar and Pompeius. But it was only 
through Augustus that these townships received strength- 
ening by the settlement of veterans there, and — what was 
the main thing — urban rights ; and at the same time 
partly the energetic suppression of the piratic retreats 
still existing in the islands, partly the subjugation of the 
interior and the pushing forward of the Koman frontier 
towards the Danube, tended to benefit especially these 
Italians settled on the east coast of the Adriatic Sea. 

Above all the capital of the country, the seat 
of the governor and of the whole administra- 
tion, Salonae rapidly flourished and far outstripped the 
older Greek settlements Apollonia and Dyrrachium, al- 
though to the latter town there were sent likewise under 
Augustus Italian colonists, not indeed veterans but dis- 
possessed Italians, and the town was erected as a Roman 
burgess-community. It may be conjectured that in the 
prosperity of Dalmatia and the arrested development of 
the Illyro-Macedonian coast the distinction between the 
imperial and the senatorial government played an essen- 
tial part— as regards better administration, as well as 


The Danubian Lands. [Book VIII. 

a privileged position with the real holder of power. 
With this, moreover, may be connected the fact, that the 
Hlyrian nationality held its ground better in the sphere of 
the Macedonian governorship than in that of the Dalma- 
tian ; in the former it still lives at the present day ; and 
in the imperial period — apart from the Greek Apollonia 
and the Italian colony of Dyrrachium — while the two 
languages of the empire were made use of in the interior, 
that of the people must have continued to be the Illyrian. 
In Dalmatia, on the other hand, the coasts and the isl- 
ands, so far as they were at all adapted thereto — the in- 
hospitable stretch to the north of the Iader necessarily 
was left behind in the development — were communalised 
after the Italian organization, and soon the whole coast 
spoke Latin, somewhat as it speaks at the present day 

The advance of civilisation into the interior had to en- 
counter local difficulties. The considerable 
2ltata5ar. m streams of Dalmatia form waterfalls more than 
watercourses ; and even the establishment of 
land-routes meets unusal difficulties from the nature of its 
mountain-network. The Roman government made earnest 
exertions to open up the country. Under the protection 
of the legionary camp of Burnum in the valley of the 
Kerka and in that of Cettina under the protection of the 
camp of Delminium — which camps must have been here 
too the channels of civilisation and of Latinising — the cul- 
tivation of the soil developed itself after the Italian fashion, 
as also the planting of the vine and the olive, and in general 
Italian organisation and habits. On the other hand, beyond 
the watershed between the Adriatic Sea and the Danube 
the valleys less favourable for agriculture from the Kulpa 
to the Drin remained during the Roman period in a primi- 
tive state, similar to that exhibited by Bosnia at the pres- 
ent day. The emperor Tiberius certainly had various 
roads made by the soldiers of the Dalmatian camps from 
Salonae into the valleys of Bosnia; but the later govern- 
ments apparently allowed the difficult task to drop. On 

Chap. VI.] The Danubian Lands. 221 

the coast and in the districts adjoining the coast Dalmatia 
soon needed no further military protection ; Vespasian 
could already withdraw the legions from the valleys of the 
Kerka and the Cettina and employ them elsewhere. 

Amidst the decay of the empire in the third century 
Dalmatia suffered comparatively little; indeed, 
under Dio- Salonae probably only reached at that time its 
ckUUil greatest prosperity. This, it is true, was oc- 

casioned partly by the fact that the regenerator of the 
Roman state, the emperor Diocletian, was by birth a Dal- 
matian, and allowed his efforts aimed at the decapitalising 
of Rome to redound chiefly to the benefit of the capital of 
his native land; he built alongside of it the huge palace, 
from which the modern capital of the province takes the 
name Spalato, within which it has for the most part found 
a place, and the temples of which now serve it as cathedral 
and baptistery. 1 Diocletian, however, did not make Sa- 
lonae a great city for the first time, but, because it was 
such, chose it for his private residence ; commerce, naviga- 
tion, and trade must at that time in these waters have been 
concentrated chiefly at Aquileia and at Salonae, and the city 
must have been one of the most populous and opulent 
towns of the west. The rich iron mines of Bosnia were 
largely worked at least in the later imperial period; the 
forests of the province likewise yielded massive and excel- 
lent timber; even of the flourishing textile industry of the 
land a reminiscence is still preserved in the priestly " Dal- 
matica." Altogether the civilising and Romanising of 
Dalmatia form one of the most peculiar and most signifi- 
cant phenomena of the imperial period. The boundary 
between Dalmatia and Macedonia was at the same time the 
political and linguistic demarcation of the West and East. 
As the spheres of rule of Caesar and Marcus Antonius came 
into contact at Scodra, so did those of Rome and Byzan- 
tium after the partition of the empire in the fourth cen- 
tury. Here the Latin province of Dalmatia bordered with 

The baptistery is perhaps the tomb of the emperor. 


The Danubian Lands. [Book VIII. 

the Greek province of Macedonia; and the younger sister 
stands here alongside of the elder vigorous in aspiration 
and excelling in energy of effort. 

"While the southern Illyrian province and its peaceful 

government soon ceased to be prominent in a 
kTTrajan d ° wn historical aspect, northern Hlyricum, or as it is 

usually called, Pannonia, forms in the imperial 
period one of the great military and thereby also political 
centres. In the army of the Danube the Pannonian camps 
have the leading position like the Rhenish in the west, and 
the Dalmatian and the Moesian attach themselves to them, 
and subordinate themselves under them, in like manner as 
the legions of Spain and Britain were subordinate to those 
of the Rhine. Roman civilisation stands and continues 
here under the influence of the camps, which did not re- 
main in Pannonia as in Dalmatia only for some genera- 
tions, but were permanent. After the subduing of the in- 
surrection of Bato, the regular garrison of the province 
amounted at first to three, afterwards apparently only to 
two, legions; and the further development was conditioned 
by their standing quarters and the shifting of these for- 
ward. When Augustus after the first war against the 
Dalmatians had selected Siscia, at the point where the 
Kulpa falls into the Save, as his chief stronghold, after 
Tiberius had subdued Pannonia at least as far as the 
Drave, the camps were pushed forward to the latter, and 
at least one of the Pannonian headquarters was thence- 
forth found at Poetovio (Pettau), on the borders of Nori- 
cum. The reason why the Pannonian army remained 
wholly or in part in the valley of the Drave can only have 
been the same as led to the construction of the Dalmatian 
legionary camps; they needed troops here to keep in obe- 
dience their subjects as well in the neighbouring Noricum 
as above all in the region of the Drave itself. On the Dan- 
ube watch was kept by the Roman fleet, which is already 
mentioned in the year 50, and presumably originated on 
the erection of the province. There was not yet perhaps 
a legionary camp on the river itself under the Julio-Clau- 

Chap. VI.] The Danubian Lands. 


dian dynasty,' in connection with which we may note that 
the state of the Suebi immediately adjoining the province 
in front was at that time immediately dependent on Rome, 
and sufficed in some measure to protect the frontier. 
Then, as with the camps of Dalmatia, Vespasian apparent- 
ly did away also with the camps on the Drave and trans- 
ferred them to the Danube itself; thenceforth the great 
headquarters of the Pannonian army were the formerly 
Norican (p. 215) Carnuntum (Petronell, to the east of 
Vienna), and along with it Vindobona (Vienna). 

Civil development, such as we meet in Noricum and on 

the coast of Dalmatia, shows itself likewise in 
? P r ment devel Pannonia only at some districts situated on the 

Norican frontier, and in part belonging origin- 
ally to Noricum ; Emona and the upper valley of the Save 
stand on an equality with Noricum, and if Savaria (Stein, 
on the Anger) received the Italian municipal constitution 
at the same time with the Norican towns, that place must 
doubtless, so long as Carnuntum was a Norican town, 
have belonged also to Noricum. It was only after the 
1 That there were no legions stationed on the Danube itself in the 
year 50, follows from Tacitus, Ann. xii. 29; otherwise it would not 
have been necessary to send a legion thither to receive the accession 
of the Suebi. The laying out also of the Claudian Savaria suits bet- 
ter, if the town was then Norican, than if it already belonged to 
Pannonia; and, as the assignment of this town to Pannonia coin- 
cides certainly as to time with the like severance of Carnuntum and 
with the transference of the legion thither, all this may probably 
have taken place only in the period after Claudius. The small num- 
ber also of inscriptions of Italici found in the camps of the Danube 
(Eph. Ep. v. p. 225) points to their later origin. Certainly there 
have been found in Carnuntum some epitaphs of soldiers of the 15th 
legion which, from their outward form and from the absence of cog- 
nomen, appear to be older (Hirschfeld, Arch. Epigraph. Mittheilun- 
gen, v. 217). Such determinations of date cannot claim full cer- 
tainty, where a decade is concerned ; nevertheless it must be con- 
ceded that the former arguments also furnish no full proofs, and 
the translocation may have begun earlier, possibly under Nero. For 
the construction or extension of this camp by Vespasian we have 
the evidence of the inscription, attesting such a structure, of Car- 
nuntum, dating from the year 73 (Hirschfeld, I. c). 


The Damibian Lands. [Book VIII. 

troops were stationed on the Danube that the govern- 
ment set to work to give urban organisation to the country 
behind. In the western territory originally Norican, 
Scarbantia (Oedenburg, on the Neusiedler, See) obtained 
urban rights under the Flavii, while Vindobona and Car- 
nuntum became of themselves camp-towns. Between the 
Save and Drave Siscia and Sirmium received urban rights 
under the Flavii, as on the Drave Poetovio (Pettau) under 
Trajan, Mursa (Eszeg) under Hadrian colonial rights — to 
mention here only the chief places. That the population, 
predominantly Illyrian but in good part also Celtic, op- 
posed no energetic resistance to the Eomanising, has 
already been mentioned ; the old language and the old 
habits disappeared where the Eomans came, and kept their 
ground only in the more remote districts. The districts 
— wide, but far from inviting for settlement — to the east of 
the river Eaab and to the north of the Drave as far as the 
Danube were probably reckoned even from the time of 
Augustus as belonging to the empire, but perhaps in a 
way not much differing from Germany before the battle of 
Varus ; urban development neither then nor later found 
a true soil here, and in a military point of view this region 
was for a long time occupied but little or not at all. This 
state of matters changed in some measure only in conse- 
quence of the incorporation of Dacia under Trajan ; the 
pushing forward of the Pannonian camps toward the east 
frontier of the province, to which that step gave occasion, 
and the further internal development of Pannonia, will be 
better described in connection with the wars of Trajan. 
The last portion of the right bank of the Danube — the 

mountain-land on the two sides of the Margus 
Sck Thradan (Morava), and the flat country stretching along 

between the Haemus and the Danube — was 
inhabited by Thracian tribes ; and it appeared necessary 
in the first instance to cast a glance at this great stock as 
such. It runs parallel in a certain sense to the Illyrian. 
As the Illyrians once filled the regions from the Adriatic 
Sea to the middle Danube, so the Thracians were formerly 

Chap. VI.] 

The Danubian Lands. 


settled to the east of them, from the Aegean Sea as far as 
the mouths of the Danube, and not less on the one hand 
upon the left bank of the Danube, particularly in the 
modern Transylvania, on the other hand beyond the Bos- 
porus, at least in Bithynia and as far as Phrygia. He- 
rodotus is not wrong in calling the Thracians the greatest 
of the peoples known to him after the Indians. Like the 
Ulyrian, the Thracian stock attained to no full development, 
and appears more as hard pressed and dispossessed than as 
having any historically memorable course of its own. But, 
while the language and habits of the Illyrians have been 
preserved — though in a form worn down in the course of 
centuries — to the present day, and we with some right 
transfer the image of the Palikars from more recent 
history to that of the Roman imperial period, the same 
does not hold good of the Thracian stock. There is mani- 
fold and sure attestation that the tribes of the territory, 
which in consequence of the Roman provincial division 
has ultimately retained the name Thracian, as well as the 
Moesians between the Balkan and the Danube, and not less 
the Getae or Daci on the other bank of the Danube, 
all spoke one and the same language. This language had 
in the Roman empire a position similar to that of the 
Celts and of the Syrians. The historian and geographer 
of the Augustan age, Strabo, mentions the likeness of 
language among the peoples named ; in botanical writ- 
ings of the imperial period the Dacian appellations of a 
number of plants are specified. 1 When his contemporary, 
the poet Ovid, had opportunity given to him in the far-off 
Dobrudscha to reflect on his too dissolute course of life, 

1 We know whole sets of Thracian, Getic, Dacian names of places 
and persons. Remarkably in a linguistic point of view is a group 
of personal names compounded with — centhus : Bithicenthus, Zipa- 
centhus, Disacenthus, TraticentJius, Linicenthus (Bull, de Corr. Hell. 
vi. 179), of which the first two also frequently occur isolated in 
their other half (Bithus, Zipa). A similar group is formed by the 
compounds with—pom, such as Mucaporis (as Thracian, Bull. I. c. , 
as Dacian in numerous cases), Cetriporis, Mliaskyporis, Bithoporis, 



The Danubian Lands. 

[Book VIII. 

lie used his leisure to learn Getic, and became almost a 
poet of the Getae : — 

Ah pudet ! et Getico scripsi sermone libellum. . . . 
Et placui (gratare mifd) coepique poetae 
Inter irihumanos nomen habere Getas. 

But while the Irish bards, the Syrian missionaries, and the 
mountain valleys of Albania secured a certain continued du- 
ration for other idioms of the imperial period, the Thracian 
disappeared amidst the fluctuations of peoples in the region 
of the Danube and the overpowerful influence of Constanti- 
nople, and we cannot even determine the place which belongs 
to it in the pedigree of nations. The descriptions of man- 
ners and customs of particular tribes belonging to it, as to 
which various notices have been preserved, yield no indi- 
vidual traits valid for the race as a whole, and for the most 
part bring into relief merely singularities such as appear 
among all peoples at a low stage of culture. But they were 
and remained a soldier-people, not less useful as horsemen 
than for light infantry, from the times of the Peloponnesian 
war and of Alexander down to that of the Boman Caesars, 
whether they might range themselves against them or 
subsequently fight for them. Their wild but grand mode 
of worshipping the gods may perhaps be conceived as a 
trait peculiar to this stock — the mighty outburst of the joy 
of spring and youth, the nocturnal mountain-festivals of 
torch-swinging maidens, the intoxicating sense-confusing 
music, the flowing of wine and the flowing of blood, the 
giddy festal whirl frantic with the simultaneous excitement 
of all sensuous passions. Dionysos, the glorious and the 
terrible, was a Thracian god ; and whatever of the kind 
was specially prominent in the Hellenic and the Boman 
cultus, was connected with Thracian or Phrygian customs. 
While the Illyrian tribes in Dalmatia and Pannonia, 
after the overthrow of the great insurrection 
prinXate? ian in tiie last y ears of Augustus, did not again 
invoke the decision of arms against the Bo- 
mans, the same did not hold true of the Thracian stock ; 

Chap. VI.] 

The Danuhian Lands. 


the often-shown spirit of independence and the wild brav- 
ery of this nation did not fail it even in its decline. In 
Thrace, south of the Haemus, the old principate remained 
under Roman supremacy. The native ruling house of the 
Odrysae, with their residence Bizye (Wiza), between Adri- 
anople and the coast of the Black Sea, was already in the 
earlier period the most prominent among the princely 
families of Thrace ; after the triumviral period there is no 
further mention of other Thracian kings than of those of 
this house, so that the other princes appear to have been 
made vassals or superseded under Augustus, and only 
members of this family were thenceforth invested with 
the Thracian kingly office. This was done, probably, be- 
cause during the first century, as will be shown further 
on, there were no Roman legions stationed on the lower 
Danube ; Augustus expected the frontier at the mouth 
of the Danube to be protected by the Thracian vassals. 
Rhoemetalces, who in the second half of the reign of Au- 
gustus ruled all Thrace as a Roman vassal-king, 1 and his 
children and grandchildren therefore played in this coun- 
try nearly the same part as Herod and his descendants in 
Palestine ; unconditional devotedness towards the lord- 
paramount, a decided inclination to Roman habits, hostil- 
ity to their own countrymen who clung to the national 
independence, mark the attitude of the Thracian ruling 
house. The great Thracian insurrection of the years 741- 
743, of which we have formerly spoken (p. 27), was directed 
in the first instance against this Rhoemetalces and his 
brother and co-regent Cotys who perished in it, and, as 
he at that time was indebted to the Romans for reinstate- 
ment into his dominion, so he some years afterwards ren- 

1 Tacitus, Ann. ii. 64, says this expressly. Of free Thracians, 
viewed from the Roman stand-point, there were at that time none ; 
"but the Thracian mountains, and especially the Rhodope of the 
Bessi, maintained even in the state of peace an attitude as regards 
the princes installed by Rome, that could hardly be designated as 
subjection ; they acknowledged the king doubtless, but obeyed him, 
as Tacitus says {I. c. and iv. 46, 51), only when it suited them. 


The Danubian Lands. 

[Book VIII. 

dered to them his thanks when, on occasion of the rising 
of the Dalmatians and the Pannonians, to which his Da- 
cian kinsmen adhered, he kept faithfully to the Romans, 
and bore an essential part in its overthrow. His son Co- 
tys was more Roman, or rather Greek, than Thracian ; he 
traced back his pedigree to Eumolpus and Erichthonius, 
and gained the hand of a kinswoman of the imperial house, 
the great granddaughter of the triumvir Antonius ; and 
not merely did the Greek and Latin poets of his time ad- 
dress him in song, but he himself was all but accounted a 
Getic poet. 1 The last of the Thracian kings, Rhoemetal- 
ces, son of the early deceased Cotys, was reared in Rome, 
and, like the Herodian Agrippa, a youthful playmate of 
the emperor Gaius. 

But the Thracian nation by no means shared the Roman 

leanings of the ruling house, and the govern- 
Th°race? e ° f ment gradually became convinced in Thrace 

as in Palestine that the tottering vassal-throne, 
only maintained by constant interference of the protecting 
power, was of use neither for them nor for the country, 
and that the introduction of direct administration was in 
every respect to be preferred. The emperor Tiberius 
made use of the quarrels that arose in the Thracian royal 
house to send to Thrace in the year 19 a Roman governor, 
Titus Trebellenus Rufus, under cover of exercising guar- 
dianship over the princes that were minors. Yet this oc- 
cupation was not accomplished without resistance, inef- 
fectual doubtless, but serious on the part of the people, 
who, particulary in the mountain-valleys, troubled them- 
selves little about the rulers appointed by Rome, and 
whose forces, led by their family-chiefs, hardly felt them- 
selves to be soldiers of the king, and still less soldiers of 
Rome. The sending of Trebellenus called forth in the 
year 21 a rising, in which not merely did the most noted 

1 We have still a Greek epigram, dedicated to Cotys by Antipater 
of Thessalonica (Antliol. Planud. iv. 75), the same poet who cele- 
brated also the conqueror of the Thracians, Piso (p. 27), and a Latin 
epistle in verse addressed to Cotys by Ovid (ex Ponto, ii. 9). 

Chap. VI.] The Danubian Lands. 


Thracian tribes take part, but which threatened to assume 
greater proportions ; messengers of the insurgents went 
over the Haemus to enkindle the national war in Moesia, 
and perhaps still further. Meanwhile the Moesian legions 
appeared in right time to relieve Philippopolis, which the 
insurgents besieged, and to suppress the movement. But, 
when some years later (25) the Roman government ordered 
levies in Thrace, the men refused to serve beyond the 
bounds of their own country. When no regard was paid 
to this refusal, the whole mountains rose and a struggle 
of despair ensued, in which the insurgents, constrained at 
length by hunger and thirst, threw themselves in great 
part on the swords of the enemy or on their own, and 
preferred to renounce life rather than their time-honoured 
freedom. The direct government continued in the form 
of exercising wardship in Thrace up to the death of Tibe- 
rius ; and, if the emperor Gaius at the commencement of 
his reign gave back the rule to the Thracian friend of his 
youth just as to the Jewish, a few years after, in the year 
46, the government of Claudius definitely put an end to 
it. This final annexation of the kingdom, and conversion 
of it into a Roman province, also encountered an equally 
hopeless and equally obstinate resistance. But with the 
introduction of direct administration the resistance was 
broken. The governor, at first of equestrian, and from 
Trajan's time of senatorial, rank, never had a legion ; the 
garrison sent into the country, though it was not stronger 
than 2,000 men, along with a small squadron stationed at 
Perinthus, was sufficient, in connection with the precau- 
tionary measures otherwise taken by the government, to 
keep down the Thracians. The laying out of military 
roads was begun immediately after the annexation ; we 
find that the buildings requisite in the state of the coun- 
try for the accommodation of travellers at the posting sta- 
tions were already, in the year 61, erected by the govern- 
ment and opened to traffic. Thrace was thenceforth an 
obedient and important province of the empire ; hardly 
any other furnished so numerous men for all parts of the 


The Danubian Lands. 

[Book VIII. 

war-forces, especially for the cavalry and the fleet, as this 
old home of gladiators and of mercenary soldiers. 

The serious conflicts which the Eomans had to sustain 
with the same nation on the so-called "Thra- 
cian shore " [Eipa Thraciae], in the region be- 
tween the Balkan and the Danube, and which led to the 
institution of the Moesian command, form an essential 
constituent part of the regulation of the northern frontier 
in the Augustan age, and have been already described in 
their connection (page 15 f.) Of resistance similar to 
that offered by the Thracians to the Komans nothing is 
reported from Moesia ; the tone of feeling there may not 
have been different, but in the level country and under the 
pressure of the legions encamped at Viminacium the re- 
sistance did not emerge openly. 

Civilisation came to the Thracian tribes, as to the 
Illyrian, from two sides ; that of the Hellenes 

Hellenism and ■ 

Romanism in from the coast and from the Macedonian fron- 
tier, the Latin from the Dalmatian and Pan- 
nonian frontier. Of the former it will be more appropriate 
to treat when we attempt to describe the position of the 
European Greeks under the imperial rule ; here it suffices 
generally to bring out the fact that not merely did that 
rule protect the Greek element, where it found it, and the 
whole coast, even that subject to the governor of Moesia, 
always remained Greek ; but that the province of Thrace, 
whose civilisation was begun in earnest only by Trajan, 
and was throughout a work of the imperial period, was 
not guided into a Koman path, but became Hellenised. 
Even the northern slopes of the Haemus, although ad- 
ministratively belonging to Moesia, were comprehended 
in this Hellenising ; Nicopolis on the Jantra and Marciano- 
polis, not far from Varna, both foundations of Trajan, were 
organised after a Greek model. 

Of the Latin civilisation of Moesia the same holds true 
as of that of the adjoining Dalmatian and 
And m Moesia. p annon i an interior ; only, as was natural, it 
emerges so much the later, weaker, and more impure, the 

Chap. VI.] The Danubian Lands. 231 

farther remote it is from its starting-point. It followed 
predominantly here the encampments of the legions, and 
with these advanced eastward, starting from the probably 
oldest camps of Moesia at Singidunum (Belgrade) and 
Viminacium (Kostolatz). 1 It is true that, in keeping with 
the character of its armed apostles, it kept at a very low 
stage in upper Moesia, and left room enough for the play 
of the primitive conditions. Viminacium obtained Italian 
urban rights from Hadrian. Lower Moesia, between the 
Balkan and the Danube, in the earlier imperial period, 
remained probably throughout in the condition which the 
Romans found subsisting there ; not till the legion-camps 
on the lower Danube were founded at Novae, Durostorum, 
and Troesmis, which, as will be set forth further on (p. 
246), probably did not take place till the beginning of 
the second century, did this part of the right bank of the 
Danube become a seat of so much Italian civilisation as 
was compatible with camp-arrangements. Thenceforth 
civil settlements arose here too — particularly on the Dan- 
ube itself, between the great standing camps, the towns 
constituted after the Italian model, Batiaria, not far from 
Widin, and Oescus at the confluence of the Iskra with the 

1 It is one of the most seriously felt blanks of the Roman im- 
perial history that the standing quarters of the two legions, which 
formed under the Julio-Claudian emperors the garrison of Moesia, 
the 4th Scythica and the 5th Macedonica (at least these were sta- 
tioned there in the year 33 ; G. I. L. iii. 1698) cannot hitherto be 
pointed out with certainty. Probably they were Viminacium and 
Singidunum in what was afterwards upper Moesia. Among the 
legion-camps of lower Moesia, of which that of Troesmis in par- 
ticular has numerous monuments to show, none appear to be older 
than Hadrian's time ; the remains of the upper-Moesian are hitherto 
so scanty that they at least do not hinder our carrying back their 
origin a century further. When the king of Thrace in the year 18 
takes arms against the Bastarnae and Scythians (Tacitus, Ann. ii. 
Co), this could not have been put forward even as a pretext, had 
lower-Moesian legionary camps been already at that time in exist- 
ence. This very narrative shows that the warlike power of this 
vassal-prince was not inconsiderable, and that the setting aside of 
an uncompliant king of Thrace demanded caution. 

232 The Danubian Lands. [Book VIII. 

Danube — and gradually the region approached the level 
of the Roman culture then subsisting, though of itself on 
its decline. In the construction of highways in lower 
Moesia the rulers displayed manifold activity after the 
time of Hadrian, from whence the oldest milestones 
hitherto found there proceed. 

If we turn from the survey of the Koman rule, as it 
took shape from Augustus onward in the lands 
on the right bank of the Danube, to the rela- 
tions and the inhabitants of the left, what we should have 
to remark as to the most westerly region has already in 
the main been said in the description of upper Germany ; 
and in particular it has been noticed (p. 171) that the 
Germans next adjoining Raetia, the Hermunduri, were of 
all the neighbours of the Romans the most peaceful, and, 
so far as is known to us, never fell into conflict with them. 

We have already stated that the people of the Mar- 
comani, or, as the Romans usually term them 
in earlier times, the Suebi, after it had in the 
Augustan age found new settlements in the old land of the 
Boii, the modern Bohemia, and had acquired through 
king Maroboduus a more fixed political organisation, re- 
mained indeed an on-looker during the Romano-German 
wars, but was preserved through the intervention of the 
Rhenish Germans from the threatened Roman invasion ; 
and, not less, that the reaction of the renewed abandon- 
ment of the Roman offensive on the Rhine overthrew this 
too neutral state. The position of paramount power, 
which the Marcomani under Maroboduus had gained over 
the more remote peoples in the region of the Elbe, was 
thereby lost ; and the king himself died as an exile on 
Roman soil (p. 67). The Marcomani and their eastern 
neighbours of kindred stock, the Quadi in Moravia, fell 
under Roman clientship, in so far as in their case, nearly 
as in that of Armenia, the pretenders contending for the 
mastery leaned in part for support on the Romans, and 
these claimed, and according to circumstances also exer- 
cised, the right of investiture. The prince of the Cotones, 

Chap. VI.] The Danubian Lands. 233 

Catualda, who had in the first instance overthrown Maro- 
boduus, could not maintain himself long as his successor, 
especially as Vibilius king of the neighbouring Hermun- 
duri took part against him ; he too had to pass over into 
Roman territory, and like Maroboduus to invoke the im- 
perial favour. Tiberius then induced a Quadian of rank 
Vannius to take his place ; for the numerous 
train of the two banished kings, which was not 
allowed to remain on the right bank of the Danube, Tibe- 
rius procured settlements on the left in the March valley, 1 
and procured for Vannius recognition on the part of the 
Hermunduri friendly with Rome. After a thirty years' 

1 That the regnum Vannianum (Plin. H. JSf. iv. 12, 81), the Sue- 
bian state (Tacitus, Ann. xii. 29 ; Hist. iii. 5, 21), must be referred, 
not merely, as might appear from Tacitus, Ann. ii. 63, to the dwel- 
lings of the people that went over with Maroboduus and Catualda, 
but to the whole territory of the Marcomani and Quadi, is shown 
clearly by the second report, Ann. xii. 29, 30, since here, as op- 
ponents of Vannius alongside of his own insurgent subjects, there 
appear the peoples bordering on Bohemia to the west and north, the 
Hermunduri and Lugii. As boundary towards the east Pliny I.e. 
designates the region of Carnuntum (Germanorum ibi conjiniuni) 
more exactly the river Marus or Duria, which separates the Suebi 
and the regnum Vannianum from their eastern neighbors, whether 
we may refer the dirimens eos with Mullenhoff (Sitzungsberichte der 
Berliner Akademie 1883, p. 871) to the Jazyges, or, as is more 
natural, to the Bastarnae. In reality both doubtless bordered, the 
Jazyges on the south, the Bastarnae on the north, with the Quadi 
of the Mirch valley. Accordingly the Marus is the March, and the 
demarcation is formed by the small Carpathians that stretch be- 
tween the March and the Waag. If thus those retainers were 
settled inter flumen Marum et Cusum, then the Cusus not elsewhere 
mentioned is, provided the statement is correct, not the Waag, or 
even, as Mullenhoff supposed, the Eipel falling into the Danube 
below Gran, but an affluent of the Danube westward of the March, 
perhaps the Gusen near Linz. The narrative in Tacitus xii. 29, 30, 
also requires the territory of Vannius to have reached to the west 
even beyond the March. The subscription to the first book of the 
Meditations of the emperor Marcus iv Kovddois- irpbs r£ Ypavova, 
proves doubtless that then the state of the Quadi stretched as far as 
the river Gran ; but this state is not coincident with the regnum 


The Danuhian Lands. [Book VIII. 

rule the latter was overthrown in the year 50 by his two 
nephews Vangio and Sido, who revolted against him, 
and gained for themselves the neigbouring peoples, the 
Hermunduri in Franconia, the Lugii in Silesia. The Ro- 
man government, which Vannius solicited for support, re- 
mained true to the policy of Tiberius ; it granted to the 
overthrown king the right of asylum, but did not interfere, 
especially as the successors, who shared the territory be- 
tween them, readily acknowledged the Roman supremacy. 
The new prince of the Suebi, Sido, and his co-ruler Itali- 
cus, perhaps the successor of Vangio, fought in the battle, 
which decided between Vitellius and Vespasian, with the 
Roman army of the Danube on the side of the Flavians. 
In the great crises of the Roman rule on the Danube 
under Domitian and Marcus we shall again meet their 
successors. The Suebi of the Danube did not belong to 
the Roman empire ; coins probably struck by them show 
doubtless Latin inscriptions, but not the Roman standard, 
to say nothing of the image of the emperor ; taxes proper 
and levies for Rome did not here take place. But, in the 
first century particularly, the Suebian state in Bohemia 
and Moravia was included within the sphere of Roman 
power ; and, as was already observed, this was not without 
its influence on the stationing of the Roman frontier-guard. 
In the plain between the Danube and Theiss eastward 
from the Roman Pannonia, and between this 
and the Thracian Daci, there was inserted a 
section of the people — probably belonging to the Medo- 
Persian stock — the Sarmatae, who living nomadically as a 
nation of shepherds and horsemen filled in great part the 
wide east-European plain ; these were the Jazyges, named 
the " emigrants " (/xeravao-rat) in distinction from the chief 
stock which remained behind on the Black Sea. The 
designation shows that they only advanced at a compara- 
tively late period into these regions ; perhaps their immi- 
gration falls to be included among the assaults, under 
which about the time of the battle of Actium the Dacian 
kingdom of Burebista broke down (p. 12). They meet us 

Chap, VI.] The Danubian Lands. 


here at first under the emperor Claudius ; the Jazyges 
supplied the Suebian king Vannius with the cavalry for 
his wars. The Eoman government was on its guard against 
the alert and predatory bands of horsemen, but did not 
otherwise sustain hostile relations to them. When the 
legions of the Danube marched to Italy in the year 70 to 
place Vespasian on the throne, they declined the contin- 
gent of cavalry offered by the Jazyges, and appropriately 
carried with them only a number of the men of chief rank, 
in order that these should meanwhile be pledges for quiet 
on the denuded frontier. 

More serious and continuous watch was needed farther 
down on the lower Danube. There, beyond 
the mighty stream, which was now the boun- 
dary of the empire, were settled in the plains of Wallachia 
and the modern Transylvania the Daci ; in the eastern flat 
country, in Moldavia, Bessarabia, and onward, in the first 
instance, the Germanic Bastarnae, and then Sarmatian 
tribes, such as the Boxolani, a people of horsemen like the 
Jazyges, at first between the Dneiper and Don (iii. 340), 
then advancing along the sea-shore. In the first years of 
Tiberius the vassal prince of Thrace strengthened his troops 
to ward off the Bastarnae and Scythians ; in the latter years 
of Tiberius it was urged among other proofs of his govern- 
ment more and more neglecting everything, that he suf- 
fered the inroads of the Dacians and the Sarmatae to pass 
unpunished. How matters went on in the last years of 
Nero on either side of the mouths of the Danube is ap- 
proximately shown by the accidentally preserved report of 
the governor of Moesia at that time, Tiberius Plautius 
Silvanus Aelianus. The latter "brought upwards of 100,- 
000 men dwelling beyond the Danube, with their wives 
and children, and their princes or kings over the river, 
so that they became liable to pay tribute. He suppressed 
a movement of the Sarmatae before it came to an outbreak, 
although he had given away a great part of his troops for 
the carrying on of war in Armenia (to Corbulo). A num- 
ber of kings hitherto unknown or at feud with the Romans 


The Danvbian Lands. 

[Book VIII 

he brought over to the Koman bank, and compelled them 
to prostrate themselves before the Roman standards. To 
the kings of the Bastarnae and Roxolani he sent back 
their sons, who had been made captive or recovered from 
the enemy, to those of the Dacians their captive brothers, 1 
and took hostages from several of them. Thereby the 
state of peace for the province was confirmed as well as 
further extended. He induced also the king of the Scythi- 
ans to desist from the siege of the town Chersonesus 
(Sebastopol) beyond the Borysthenes. He was the first 
who, by great consignments of corn from this province, 
made bread cheaper in Rome." We perceive here clearly 
as well the agitated vortex of peoples on the left bank of 
the Danube under the Julio-Claudian dynasty, as also the 
strong arm of the imperial power, which even beyond the 
stream sought to protect the Greek towns on the Dnieper 
and in the Crimea, and was able also in some measure to 
do so, as will be further set forth when we describe the 
state of Greek affairs. 

The forces, however, which Rome had here at her dis- 
posal were more than inadequate. The insig- 
R n o a man U fo C r y ce°s. nificant garrison of Asia Minor, and the fleet, 
likewise small on the Black Sea, were of ac- 
count at most for the Greek inhabitants of its northern 
and western coasts. A very difficult task was assigned to 
the governor of Moesia, who with his two legions had to 
protect the bank of the Danube from Belgrade to the 
mouth ; and the aid of the far from obedient Thracians 
was under the circumstances an additional danger. Espe- 
cially towards the mouth of the Danube there was wanting 
a sufficient bulwark against the barbarians now pressing 
on with increasing weight. The withdrawal on two occa- 
sions of the Danubian legions to Italy in the troubles after 
Nero's death provoked still more at the mouth of the 

1 Begibus Bastarnarum et Boxolanorum filios, Dacorum fratrum 
captos aut liostibus ereptos remisit (Orelli, 750) is miswritten ; it must 
rxmfratres, or at any rate fratrum filios. In like manner afterwards 
per quae is to be read for per quern and rege instead of regem. 

Chap. VI.] The Danulian Lands. 237 

Danube, than on the lower Khine,- incursions of the neigh- 
bouring peoples, at first of the Eoxolani, then of the Da- 
cians, then of the Sarmatae, that is, probably the Jazyges. 
There were severe conflicts ; in one of these engagements, 
apparently with the Jazyges, the brave governor of Moesia, 
Gaius Fonteius Agrippa, fell. Nevertheless, Vespasian did 
not proceed to increase the army of the Danube ; 1 the 
necessity of strengthening the Asiatic garrisons must have 
appeared still more urgent, and the economy specially en- 
joined at that time forbade any increase of the army as a 
whole. He contented himself with pushing forward the 
great camps of the army of the Danube to the frontier of 
the empire, as the pacification of the interior allowed, 
and the relations subsisting at the frontier, as well as 
the breaking up of the Thracian troops brought about by 
the annexation of Thrace, imperatively required. Thus the 
Pannonian camps were brought away from the Drave, op- 
posite to the Suebian kingdom, to Carnuntum and Vindo- 
bona (p. 223), and the Dalmatian from the Kerka and the 
Cettina to the Moesian bank of the Danube, 2 so that the 

1 In Pannonia there were stationed about the year 70 two legions, 
the 13th Gemina and the 15th Apollinaris, in room of which latter 
during its participation in the Armenian war for some time the 7th 
Gemina came in (C. I. L. iii. p. 482). Of the two legions added 
later, 1st Adiutrix and 2d Adiutrix, the first still at the beginning 
of the reign of Trajan lay in upper Germany (p. 172, note 2), and 
can only have come to Pannonia under Trajan ; the second sta- 
tioned under Vespasian in Britain can only have come to Pannonia 
under Domitian (p. 190, note 1). The Moesian army numbered 
after the union with the Dalmatian under Vespasian probably but 
four legions, consequently as many as the two armies together pre- 
viously — the latter upper-Moesian, 4th Flavia, and 7th Claudia, and 
the later lower Moesian, 1st Italica and 5th Macedonica. The po- 
sitions shifted by the marching to and fro of the year of the four 
emperors (Marquardt, Staatsverw. ii. 435), which temporarily 
brought these legions to Moesia, need not deceive us. The subse- 
quent third lower-Moesian legion, the Eleventh, was still under 
Trajan stationed in upper Germany. 

2 Josephus, Bell. Iud. vii. 4, 3 : irXzioari Kai jj.el(o(n <pvAa,Ka?s rhv 
t6ttov SicAajSer, &s elvai to?s fiapfidpois r))v hiafiacriv TeA.ea?s a^vvarov. By 
this seems meant the transference of the two Dalmatian legions to 


Tlie Danubian Lands. [Book VIII. 

governor of Moesia thenceforth disposed of double the 
number of legions. 

A shifting of the proportions of power to the disadvan- 
tage of Rome set in under Domitian, 1 or rather 
SoSan^ ° f tne consequences of the insufficient frontier- 
defence were then reaped. According to the 
little we know of the matter, the change of affairs hinged 
quite like the similar one in Caesar's time, upon a single 
Dacian man ; what king Burebista had planned, king De- 
cebalus seemed destined to execute. How 

Decebalus. , ., , . - . , . 

much the real moving-spring lay m his per- 
sonality, is shown by the story that the Dacian king Duras, 
in order to bring the right man into the right place, re- 
tired from his office in favour of Decebalus. That Dece- 
balus first of all organised in order to strike, is shown 
by the reports as to his introduction of Eoman discipline 
into the Dacian army, and his enlisting people of capacity 
among the Romans themselves, and even by the condition 
proposed by him to the Romans after the victory, that 
they should send him the necessary workmen to instruct 
his people in the arts of peace as of war. On what a 
great scale he set to work is shown by the connections 

Moesia. Whither they were transferred we do not know. Accord- 
ing to the Roman custom elsewhere it is more probable that they 
were stationed in the environs of the previous headquarters Vimina- 
cium than in the remote region of the mouths of the Danube. The 
camp there probably originated only at the division of the Moesian 
command and at the erection of the independent province of lower 
Moesia and under Domitian. 

1 The chronology of the Dacian war is involved in much uncer- 
tainty. That it had begun already before the war with the Chatti 
(83), we learn from the Carthaginian inscription (C. I. L. viii. 
1082) of a soldier decorated three times by Domitian, in the Dacian, 
in the German, and again in the Dacian war. Eusebius puts the 
outbreak of the war, or rather the first great conflict, in the year 
Abr. 2101 or 2102 = a.d. 85 (more exactly 1 Oct. 84— 30 Sept. 85) 
or 8G, the triumph in the year 2106-90; these numbers indeed 
have no claim to complete trustworthiness. With some proba- 
bility the triumph is placed in the year 89 (Henzen, Acta Arval. p. 

Chap. VI.] 

The Danubian Lands. 


which he formed, westward and eastward, with the Suebi 
and the Jazyges, and even with the Parthians. The as- 
sailants were the Dacians. The governor of the province 
of Moesia, who first went to oppose them, Oppius Sabinus, 
lost his life on the field of battle. A number of smaller 
camps were conquered ; the larger were threatened, the 
possession of the province itself was at stake. Domitian 
in person resorted to the army, and his representative — 
he himself was no general and remained in the background 
— the commandant of the guard, Cornelius Fuscus, led 
the army over the Danube ; but he paid for the incautious 
proceeding by a severe defeat, and he too, the second in 
supreme command, fell before the enemy. His successor, 
Julianus, a capable officer, defeated the Dacians in their 
own territory in a great battle near Tapae, and was on the 
way to achieve lasting results. But, while the struggle 
with the Dacians was in suspense, Domitian had threat- 
ened the Suebi and Jazyges with war, because they had 
omitted to send to him a contingent against the former ; 
the messengers, who came to excuse this, he caused to be 
executed. 1 Here too misfortune pursued the Roman arms. 
The Marcomani achieved a victory over the emperor him- 
self ; a whole legion was surrounded by the Jazyges and 
cut down. Shaken by this defeat, Domitian, in spite of 
the advantages gained by Julianus over the Dacians, has- 
tily concluded with these a peace, which did not indeed 
prevent him from conferring the crown upon the repre- 
sentative of Decebalus in Rome, Diegis, just as if the lat- 
ter were a vassal of the Romans, or from marching as 
victor to the Capitol, but which in reality was equivalent 
to a capitulation. What Decebalus, on the advance of the 
Roman army into Dacia, had sconmgly offered — to dismiss 
to his home uninjured every man for whom a yearly pay- 
ment of two asses was promised to him — became almost 

1 The fragment, Dio, lxvii. 7, 1, Dind., stands in the sequence of 
the Ursinian excerpts before lxvii. 5, 1, 2, 3, and belongs also in 
the order of events to a time before the negotiation with the Lugii, 
Comp. Hermes, iii. 115. 

240 The Danulian Lands. [Book VIII. 

true : in the peace the incursions into Moesia were bought 
off with a fixed sum to be paid yearly. 

Here a change had to be effected. Domitian, who was 

doubtless a good administrator of the empire, 
T^jan. War ° f but obtuse to the demands of military honour, 

was followed after the short reign of Nerva 
by the emperor Trajan, who first and above all a soldier, 
not merely tore in pieces that agreement, but also took 
measures that similar things should not recur. The war 
against the Suebi and Sarmatae, which was still being 
continued at Domitian's death (96), was happily ended, as 
it would seem, under Nerva in the year 97. The new em- 
peror went, even before he held his entrance into the cap- 
ital of the empire, from the Rhine to the Danube, where 
he stayed in the winter 98-99, but not to attack the Da- 
cians at once, but to prepare for the war : to this time 
belongs the construction — joining itself on to the roads 
formed in upper Germany — of the road completed on the 
right bank of the Danube in the region of Orsova in the 
year 100 (p. 166). For the war against the Dacians, in 
which, as in all his campaigns, he commanded in person, 
he did not set out till the spring of 101. He crossed the 
Danube below Viminacium, and advanced against the not 
far distant capital of the king, Sarmizegetusa. Decebalus 
with his allies — the Buri and other tribes dwelling to the 
northward took part in this struggle — offered resolute re- 
sistance, and it was only by vehement and bloody con- 
flicts that the Romans cleared their way ; the number of 
the wounded was so great that the emperor put his own 
wardrobe at the disposal of the physicians. But victory 
did not waver ; one stronghold after another fell ; the sis- 
ters of the king, the captives from the former war, the 
standards taken from the armies of Domitian, fell into the 
hands of the Romans ; for the king, intercepted by Trajan 
himself and by the brave Lusius Quietus, nothing was left 
but complete surrender (102). Trajan demanded nothing 
less than the renunciation of the sovereign power and the 
entrance of the Dacian kingdom into the clientship of 

Chap. VI.] 

The Danubian Lands. 


Kome. The deserters, the arms, the engines of war, 
the workmen once supplied for these by Rome, had to be 
delivered up, and the king personally to kneel before the 
victor ; he divested himself of the right to make war and 
peace, and promised military service ; the fortresses were 
either razed or delivered to the Romans, and in these, 
above all in the capital, there remained a Roman garrison. 
The strong bridge of stone, which Trajan caused to be 
thrown over the Danube at Drobetae (opposite Turnu 
Severinului), secured the communication even in the bad 
season of the year, and gave to the Dacian garrisons a 
reserve-support in the near legions of upper-Moesia. 

But the Dacian nation, and above all the king himself, 

did not know the art of accommodating them- 
second Dacian selveg to dependence, as the kings of Cappa- 

docia and Mauretania had understood it ; or 
rather they had merely taken upon them the yoke in the 
hope of ridding themselves of it again on the first oppor- 
tunity. The signs of this were soon apparent. A portion 
of the arms to be delivered up was kept back ; the for- 
tresses were not given over as had been stipulated ; an 
asylum was still granted, moreover, to Roman deserters ; 
portions of territory were wrested from the Jazyges at 
enmity with the Dacians, or perhaps the occurrence of 
violations of the frontier on their part was not taken pa- 
tiently ; a lively and suspicious intercourse was maintained 
with the more remote natives still free. Trajan could not 
but be convinced that his work was but half done ; and, 
rapid in resolution as he was, he, without entering upon 
further negotiations, declared war once more against the 
king three years after the conclusion of peace (105). 
Gladly would the latter have avoided it ; but the demand 
that he should give himself a captive spoke too clearly. 
Nothing was left but a struggle of despair, and all were 
not ready for this ; a great part of the Dacians submitted 
without resistance. The appeal to the neighbouring peo- 
ples to enter jointly into measures forwarding off the dan- 
ger that threatened even their freedom and their national 



The Danubian Lands. [Book VIII. 

existence sounded without effect ; Decebalus and the Da- 
cians that remained faithful to him stood alone in this 
war. The attempts to make away with the imperial 
general by means of deserters, or to purchase tolerable 
terms by the release of a high officer taken prisoner, 
likewise broke down. The emperor marched once more 
as victor into the enemy's capital, and Decebalus, who up 
to the last moment had struggled with fate, put himself to 
death when all was lost (107). This time Trajan made an 
end ; the war concerned no longer the freedom of the 
people, but its very existence. The native population were 
driven out from the best part of the land, and these dis- 
tricts were reoccupied with a non-national population 
brought in from the mountains of Dalmatia, or the mines, 
and otherwise preponderantly, as it would appear, from 
Asia Minor. In several regions, no doubt, the old popu- 
lation yet remained, and even the language of the country 
maintained its ground. 1 These Dacians, as well as the 
sections dwelling beyond the bounds, still gave trouble 
to the Eomans — subsequently, for example, under Corn- 
modus and Maximianus ; but they stood isolated, and 
dwindled away. The danger with which the vigorous 
Thracian race had several times threatened the Koman 
rule might not be allowed to recur, and this end Trajan 
attained. The Eome of Trajan was no longer that of the 
age of Hannibal ; but it was still dangerous to have con- 
quered the Romans. 

The stately column which six years afterwards was 
j erected to the emperor by the imperial senate 
in the new Forum Trajanum of the capital, 
and which still adorns it at the present day, is an evidence, 
to which we possess nothing parallel, of the extent to which 
the traditional history of the Roman imperial period has 
suffered havoc. Throughout its height of exactly one 

1 Arrian, Tact. 44, mentions among the changes which Hadrian 
introduced into the cavalry, that he allowed to the several divisions 
their national battle-cries : KeAnicovs nev rots KeA-rots 'nrirevaiv, Ten* 
icovs 5e to?s re'rats, 'Pam/coys 5e oaoi e/c 'PatTwp. 

Chap. VI.] 

The Danubian Lands. 


hundred Koman feet it is covered with separate repre- 
sentations to the number of one hundred and twenty- 
four — a chiselled picture-book of the Dacian wars, to 
which almost everywhere we lack the text. We see the 
watch-towers of the Romans with their pointed roofs, 
their palisaded court, their upper gallery, their fire- 
signals; the town on the bank of the Danube-stream, 
whose river-god looks on at the Roman warriors, as they 
march under their standards along the pontoon-bridge ; 
the emperor himself in his council of war, and then sacri- 
ficing at the altar before the walls of the camp. It is 
narrated that the Buri allied with the Dacians dissuaded 
Trajan from the war in a Latin sentence written on a huge 
mushroom ; we fancy that we recognise this mushroom 
placed as a load on a sumpter-animal, alarmed by which a 
barbarian, lying on the ground with his club, points out 
the mushroom with his finger to the advancing emperor. 
We see the pitching of the camp, the felling of trees, the 
fetching of water, the laying of the bridge. The first 
captive Dacians, easily recognisable by their long-sleeved 
frocks and their wide trousers, with their hands bound 
behind their back, and with their long bushy hair grasped 
by the soldiers, are brought before the emperor. We see 
the combats, the men hurling spears and stones, the sickle- 
bearers, the archers on foot, the heavy-mailed horsemen 
also bearing the bow, the dragon-banners of the Dacians, 
the officers of the enemy adorned with the round cap 
as the token of their rank, the pine-wood, into which the 
Dacians carry their wounded, the cut off heads of the 
barbarians deposited before the emperor. We see the 
Dacian village on piles in the middle of the lake, towards 
the round huts of which, with their pointed roof, the 
burning torches are flying. Women and children sue the 
emperor for mercy. The wounded are cared for and 
bound up ; badges of honour are distributed to officers 
and soldiers. Then the conflict proceeds; the hostile 
entrenchments, partly of wood, partly stone walls, are 
assailed ; the besieging-train advances, the ladders ar$ 

244 The DanuUan Lands. [Book VIII. 

brought up, the storming-column makes its assault under 
cover of the testudo. Lastly, the king with his train lies 
at the feet of Trajan ; the dragon-banners are in the hands 
of the Eomans ; the troops in exultation salute the em- 
peror; Victoria stands before the piled up arms of the 
enemy and describes the tableaux of the victory. Then 
follow the pictures of the second war, of similar charac- 
ter on the whole to those of the first series. Worthy of 
notice is one great representation, which, after the king's 
stronghold has gone on fire, appears to show the princes 
of the Dacians sitting round a kettle and, one after the 
other, emptying the poison-cup ; another, where the head 
of the brave Dacian king is brought on a tray to the 
emperor ; and lastly, the closing picture, the long series 
of the conquered with their women, children, and flocks 
marching away from their home. The emperor himself 
wrote the history of this war — as Frederick the Great 
wrote that of the Seven Years' War — and many others 
after him ; all this is lost to us, and as nobody would ven- 
ture to depict the history of the Seven Years' War from 
Menzel's pictures, there is left to us only, along with a 
glimpse into half intelligible details, the painful feeling 
of a stirring and great historical catastrophe faded for ever 
and lost even to remembrance. 

The defence of the frontier in the region of the Danube 
was not shifted to such a degree, as might well 

Military position . . n . P]1 . 

on the Danube be expected, in consequence ol the conversion 

after Trajan. s> t\ ' • l t> • i 

oi Dacia into a Roman province ; a change, in 
the strict sense, of the line of defence did not take place, 
but the new province was treated on the whole as an eccen- 
tric position, which was only connected directly with the 
Roman territory towards the south along the Danube it- 
self, on the other three sides projected into the barbarian 
land. The plain of the Theiss, stretching between Pan- 
nonia and Dacia continued in the hands of the Jazyges ; 
there have been found remains of old walls, which led 
from the Danube over the Theiss away to the Dacian 
mountains, and bounded the region of the Jazyges to the 

Chap. VI.] The Danubian Lands. 


north, but of the time and the authors of these entrench- 
ments nothing certain is known. Bessarabia also is inter- 
sected by a double barrier-line which, running from the 
Pruth to the Dniester, ends at Tyra, and — according to 
the inadequate reports hitherto before us on the subject 
— appears to proceed from the Romans. 1 If this was the 
case, then Moldavia and the south half of Bessarabia as 
well as the whole of Wallachia were incorporated in the 
Roman empire. But though this may have been done 
nominally, the Roman rule hardly extended effectively to 
these lands ; at least there is, up to the present time, an 
utter absence of sure proofs of Roman settlement either 
in eastern Wallachia or in Moldavia and Bessarabia. At 
any rate, the Danube here remained, much more than the 
Rhine in Germany, the limit of Roman civilisation and 
the proper basis of frontier-defence. The positions on it 
were considerably reinforced. It was a fortunate circum- 
stance for Rome that, while the surge of peoples rose on 
the Danube, it sank on the Rhine, and the troops that 
could be there dispensed with were disposable elsewhere. 
Although under Vespasian probably not more than six 

legions were stationed on the Danube, their 
SeSto'five. number was subsequently raised by Domitian 

and Trajan to ten ; the two chief commands 
of Moesia and Pannonia hitherto subsisting were withal 
divided, the first under Domitian, the second under Tra- 
jan, and, as the Dacian was superadded, the whole num- 
ber of the commanderships on the lower Danube was fixed 
at five. At the outset, indeed, they seem to have cut off 
the corner which this stream forms below Durostorum 

1 The walls, which, three metres in height and two metres in 
thickness, with broad outer fosse and many remains of forts, stretch 
in two almost parallel lines, partly — to the length of ninety-four 
miles— from the left bank of the Pruth by way of Tabak and Tatar - 
bunar to Dniester-Liman, between Akerman and the Black Sea ; 
partly — to the length of sixty-two miles — from Leowa on the Pruth 
to the Dniester below Bendery (Petermann, Geograph. MittlieUun- 
gen, 1857, p. 129), may perhaps be also Roman ; but there has not 
been as yet any exact settlement of this point. 


The Danubian Lands. [Book VIII. 

(Silistria) — the modern Dobrudscha — and from the place 
now called Kassowa, where the river approaches within 
thirty miles of the sea, in order then to bend almost at a 
right angle to the north, to have substituted for the river- 
line a fortified road after the manner of the British (p. 
202), which reached the coast at Tomis. 1 This corner, 
however, was, at least from the time of Hadrian, embraced 
within the Koman frontier-fortification ; for from that 
time we find lower Moesia, which before Trajan had prob- 
ably possessed no larger standing garrisons at all, fur- 
nished with the three legionary camps of Novae (near 
Svischtova), Durostorum (Silistria), and Troesmis (Iglitza, 
near Galatz), of which the last lies in front of that very 
angle of the Danube. Against the Jazyges the position 
was strengthened by adding to the upper Moesian camps at 

1 According to von Vincke's estimate (Mbnatsberichte uber die Ver- 
handlungen der Gesellscliaft fur Erdkunde in Berlin in the years 
1839-40, p. 197 f. ; comp. in von Moltke's Briefe uber Zustdnde in 
der Turkei, the letter of 2d- Nov. 1837), as well as according to the 
delineations and plans of Dr. C. Schuchhardt communicated to me, 
three barriers were here constructed. The southmost and probably 
oldest is a simple earthen wall with (singularly) a fosse in front of 
it towards the south ; whether of Roman origin may be doubtful. 
The two other lines are an earthen wall, even now at many places 
as high as three metres, and a lower wall, once lined with stones, 
which often run close beside each other and elsewhere again are miles 
apart. We might hold them as the two lines of defence of a forti- 
fied road, though in the eastern half the earthen wall, in the more 
southern half the stone-wall, is the more northerly, and they cross 
in the middle. At one spot the earthen wall (here more southerly) 
forms the rear of a fort constructed behind the stone-wall. The 
earthen wall is covered on the north side by a deep, on the south 
side by a shallow, fosse ; each fosse is closed off by a bank. A fosse 
lies also in front of the stone-wall to the north. Behind the earthen 
wall, and mostly resting on it, are found forts distant from each 
other seven hundred and fifty metres ; others at irregular distances 
of the like kind behind the stone-wall. All the lines keep behind 
the Karasu-lakes as the natural basis of defence ; from the point 
where this ceases, they are carried as far as the sea with slight re- 
gard to the character of the ground. The town Tomis lies outside 
of the wall and to the north of it ; but its fortress-walls are put in 
connection with the barrier-fortification by a special wall. 

Chap. VI.] The Danubian Lands. 247 

Singidunum and Viminaciuni the lower Pannonian at the 
confluence of the Theiss with the Danube near Acumin- 
cum. Dacia itself was then but weakly garrisoned. The 
capital, now a colony of Trajan, Sarmizegetusa, lay not far 
from the chief crossings over the Danube in upper Moesia ; 
here and on the middle Marisus, as well as beyond it in 
the districts of the gold mines, the Romans chiefly settled ; 
the one legion serving as garrison since Trajan's time in 
Dacia obtained its headquarters, at least soon afterwards, 
in this region at Apulum (Karlsburg). Farther to the 
north Potaissa (Thorda) and Napoca (Klausenburg) were 
probably also at once taken possession of by the Romans, 
but it was only gradually that the great Pannono-Dacian 
military centres pushed farther towards the north. The 
transference of the lower Pannonian legion from Acumin- 
cum to Aquincum, the modern Buda, and the occupa- 
tion of this commanding military position, fall not later 
than Hadrian, and probably under him ; probably at the 
same time one of the upper Pannonian legions came to 
Brigetio (opposite to Comorn). Under Commodus all set- 
tlement was prohibited along the northern frontier of 
Dacia for a breadth of nearly five miles, which must stand 
connected with the frontier regulations to be subsequently 
mentioned after the Marcomanian war. At that time also 
the fortified lines may have originated, which barred this 
frontier similarly to the upper Germanic. Under Severus 
one of the legions previously in lower Moesia was brought 
to Potaissa (Thorda) on the Dacian north frontier. 

But even after these transferences Dacia remained an 
advanced position on the left bank, covered by 
?a a ncedpo a sition mountains and trenches, with reference to 
which it might well be doubtful whether it 
did more to promote or to impede the general defensive 
attitude of the Romans. Hadrian, in fact, had thought of 
giving up this territory, and so regarded its incorporation 
as a mistake ; after the step had once been taken, there 
certainly preponderated the consideration, if not of the 
lucrative gold mines of the country, at any rate of the 


The Danubian Lands. 

[Book VIII. 

Roman civilisation rapidly developing itself in the region 
of the Marisus. But he caused at least the superstructure 
of the stone bridge of the Danube to be removed, as his 
apprehension of its being used by the enemy outweighed 
his consideration for the Dacian garrison. The later pe- 
riod released itself from this anxiety ; but the eccentric 
position of Dacia in relation to the rest of the frontier- 
defence remained. 

The sixty years after the Dacian wars of Trajan were for 
the Danube lands a time of peace and of peaceful develop- 
ment. No doubt there was never entire quiet, particu- 
larly at the mouths of the Danube, and even the hazardous 
expedient of purchasing the security of the frontier from 
the adjoining restless neighbours, just as was done with 
Decebalus, by the bestowal of yearly gratuities was further 
employed ; l yet the remains of antiquity show at this very 
time everywhere the flourishing of urban life, and not a 
few communities, particularly of Pannonia, name as their 
founder Hadrian or Pius. But upon this stillness fol- 
lowed a storm such as the empire had not yet sustained, 
and which, although properly but a frontier-war, by its 
extension over a series of provinces and by its duration 
for thirteen years shook the empire itself. 

The war named after the Marcomani was not kindled by 
any single personage of the type of Hannibal or 
Marcomanian Decebalus. As little did aggressions on the part 
of the Bomans provoke this war ; the emperor 
Pius injured no neighbour, either powerful or humble, and 
set on peace almost more than its just value. The realm of 
Maroboduus and of Vannius had thereafter, perhaps in 
consequence of the partition under Vangio and Sido (p. 
234), become divided into the kingdom of the Marcomani 
in what is now Bohemia and that of the Quadi in Moravia 
and upper Hungary. Conflicts with the Romans do not 
appear to have occurred here ; the vassal-relation of the 
princes of the Quadi was even formally recognised under 

1 Vita Hadriani 6 : cum rege Roxolanorum qui de imminutis sti- 
pendiis querebatur cognito negotio pacem composuit. 

Chap. VI.] The Danubian Lands. 


the reign of Pius by the confirmation asked for. Shiftings 
of peoples, which lay beyond the Roman horizon, were the 
proximate cause of the great war. Soon after the death 
of Pius (f 161) masses of Germans, especially Langobardi 
from the Elbe, but also Marcomani and other bodies of 
men, appeared in Pannonia, apparently to gain new abodes 
on the right bank. Pressed hard by the Roman troops 
who were despatched against them, they sent the prince of 
the Marcomani, Ballomarius, and with him a representative 
of each of the ten tribes taking part, to renew their request 
for assignation of land. But the governor abode by his 
decision and compelled them to go back over the Danube. 
This was the beginning of the great Danubian war. 1 
The governor of upper Germany, Gaius Aufii- 
egmnmg. yictorinus, the father-in-law of Fronto 

known in literature, had already, about the year 162, to 
repel an assault of the Chatti, which likewise may have 
been occasioned by tribes from the Elbe pressing on their 
rear. Had equally energetic steps been taken, greater 
mischief might have been averted. But just then the Ar- 
menian war had begun, into which the Parthians soon en- 
tered ; though the troops were not exactly sent away from 
the threatened frontier to the east, for which there is at 
least no evidence, 2 there was at any rate a want of men to 

1 Vita Marci 14 : gentibus quae pulsae a superioribus barbaris fuge- 
rant nisi reciperentur bellum inferentibus. Dio, in Petrus Patricius, 
fr. 6, says : Aayyifiapdoov Kal 'OjSiW (otherwise unknown) QaKiffx^w 
"Irrrpov irzpaiooQevTwv tS>v irepl BiV5i«:a (perhaps already then praef. 
praetorio, in which case the guard would be marched out ou ac- 
count of this occurrence), iirirewv i^eXaodrvoiv Kal twi> afx(pl Ka^SiSoj/ 
ire^uv iirMpQacra.VTwi' els iravreXri (pvy)]v ol fiapfiapoi irpdirovro' €(£>' ois 
ovt(o TrpaxOeiffiv ev Se'et KaTacrrdvres ix irpci>T7]s iTn%eipi](Tea:s ol fidp- 
fiapoi 7rpe<x/3ets irapd MXiov Bdcraov ttjv Haiovlav SieirovTa. o~TeXAovo~i 
fiaAXoudpi6v re tov /3a<n\ea MapKo/j-dvctiv Kal erepous 5e/ca, fear' %Bvos em\e- 
^dfxevoi tva' teal SpKOis t)]v elpijVTjv ol irpzo'fieis Tricruadfievoi oiKaSe ywpovGiv. 
That this incident falls before the outbreak of the war, is shown by 
its position ; fr. 7 of Patricius is an excerpt from Dio, lxxi. 11, 2. 

'""The Moesian army gave away soldiers to the Armenian war 
(Hirschfeld, Arch. epig. Mitth. vi. 41) ; but here the frontier was 
not endangered. 


The Danubian Lands. 

[Book VIII. 

take up the second war at once with energy. This tem- 
porising severely avenged itself. Just when people were 
triumphing in Eome over the kings of the east, on the 
Danube the Chatti, the Marcomani, the Quadi, the Jazyges 
burst as with a thunderclap into the Roman territor}'. 
Raetia, Noricum, the two Pannonias, Dacia, were inun- 
dated at the same moment ; in the Dacian mine-district 
we can still follow the traces of this irruption. What 
devastations they then wrought in those regions, which 
for long had seen no enemy, is shown by the fact that 
several years afterwards the Quadi gave back first 13,000, 
then 50,000, and the Jazyges even 100,000 Roman cap- 
tives. Nor did the matter end with the injury done to 
the provinces. There happened what had not occurred 

for three hundred years and began to be ac- 
itaiy. counted as impossible — the barbarians broke 

through the wall of the Alps and invaded Italy 
itself ; from Raetia they destroyed Opitergium (Oderzo) ; 
bands from the Julian Alps invested Aquileia. 1 Defeats of 
individual Roman divisions must have taken place in vari- 
ous cases ; we learn only that one of the commandants of 
the guard, Victorinus, fell before the enemy, and the ranks 
of the Roman armies were sorely thinned. 

This grave attack befell the state at a most unhappy 

moment. No doubt the Oriental war was 

ended; but in its train a pestilence had spread 
throughout Italy and the west, which swept men away 
more continuously than the war, and in more fearful meas- 
ure. When the troops were concentrated, as was neces- 
sary, the victims of the pestilence were all the more numer- 
ous. As dearth always accompanies pestilence, so on this 
occasion there appeared with it failure of crops and famine, 
and severe financial distress; the taxes did not come in, 

1 The participation of the Germans on the right of the Rhine is 
attested by Dio, lxxi. 3, and only thereby are the measures explained 
which Marcus adopted for Raetia and Noricum. The position of 
Oderzo also speaks for the view that these assailants came over the 

Chap. VL] The Danubian Lands. 


and in the course of the war the emperor saw himself 
under the necessity of alienating by public auction the 
jewels of his palace. 

There was lack of a fitting leader. A military and politi- 
cal task so extensive and so complicated could, 
2J™! and Mar " as things stood in Home, be undertaken by no 
commissioned general, but only by the ruler 
himself. Marcus had, with a correct and modest knowl- 
edge of his shortcomings, on ascending the throne, placed 
by his side with equal rights his younger adopted brother 
Lucius Verus, on the benevolent assumption that the jovial 
young man — as he was a vigorous fencer and hunter — 
would also grow into an able general. But the worthy 
emperor did not possess the sharp glance of one who 
knows men ; the choice had proved as unfortunate as pos- 
sible ; the Parthian war just ended had shown the nominal 
general to be personally dissolute, and as an officer inca- 
pable. The joint regency of Verus was nothing but an ad- 
ditional calamity, which indeed was obviated by his death, 
that ensued not long after the outbreak of the Marcoman- 
ian war (169). Marcus, by his leanings more reflective 
than inclined to practical life, and not at all a soldier, nor 
in general a prominent personage, undertook the exclusive 
and personal conduct of the requisite operations. He may, 
in doing so, have made mistakes enough in detail, and per- 
haps the long duration of the struggle is partly traceable 
to this; but the unity of supreme command, his clear in- 
sight into the object for which the war was waged, the 
tenacity of his statesmanly action, above all the rectitude 
and firmness of the man administering his difficult office 
with self-forgetful faithfulness, ultimately broke the dan- 
gerous assault. This was a merit all the higher, as the 
success was due more to character than to talent. 

The character of the task set before the Romans is shown 
by the fact that the government, despite the 

Progress of the want of m(?n ^ money in fl^ fi rgt vear f 

this war, had the walls of the capital of Dal- 
matia, Salonae, and of the capital of Thrace, Philippopolis, 


The Danulnan Lands. [Book VIII. 

restored by its soldiers and at its expense ; certainly these 
were not isolated arrangements. They had to prepare 
themselves to see the men of the north everywhere invest- 
ing the great towns of the empire ; the terrors of the 
Gothic expeditions were already knocking at the gates, and 
were perhaps for this time averted only by the fact that 
government saw them coming. The immediate superin- 
tendence of the military operations, and the regulation, de- 
manded by the state of the case, of the relations to the fron- 
tier-peoples and reformation of the existing arrangements 
on the spot, might neither be omitted nor left to his un- 
principled brother or individual leaders. In fact, the posi- 
tion of matters was changed as soon as the two emperors 
arrived at Aquileia, in order to set out thence with the 
army to the scene of war. The Germans and Sarmatians, 
far from united in themselves, and without common lead- 
ing, felt themselves unequal to such a counter-blow. The 
masses of invaders everywhere retreated ; the Quadi sent 
in their submission to the imperial generals, and in many 
cases the leaders of the movement directed against the 
Romans paid for this reaction with their lives. Lucius 
thought that the war had demanded victims enough, and 
advised a return to Rome ; but the Marcomani persevered 
in haughty resistance, and the calamity which had come 
upon Rome, the hundred thousands of captives dragged 
away, the successes achieved by the barbarians, impera- 
tively demanded a more vigorous policy and the offensive 
continuance of the war. The son-in-law of Marcus, Tibe- 
rius Claudius Pompeianus, as an extraordinary measure 
took the command in Raetia and Noricum ; his able lieu- 
tenant, the subsequent emperor, Publius Helvius Pertinax, 
cleared the Roman territory without difficulty with the 
first auxiliary legion called up from Pannonia. In spite of 
the financial distress two new legions were formed, particu- 
larly from Rlyrian soldiers, in the raising of which no 
doubt many a previous highway-robber was made a de- 
fender of his country ; and, as was already stated (pp. 175, 
215), the hitherto slight frontier-guard of these two prov- 

Chap. VI.] 

The Danubian Lands. 


inces was reinforced by the new legion-camps of Ratisbon 
and Enns. The emperors themselves went to the upper 
Pannonian camps. It was above all of consequence to re- 
strict the area within which the fire of war was raging. 
The barbarians comiDg from the north, who offered their 
aid, were not repelled, and fought in Roman pay, so far as 
they did not — as also occurred — break their word and 
make common cause with the enemy. The Quadi, who 
sued for peace and for the confirmation of the new king 
Furtius, had the latter readily granted to them, and 
nothing demanded of them but the giving back of the de- 
serters and the captives. Success in some measure attended 
the attempt to restrict the war to the two chief oppo- 
nents, the Marcomani and the Jazyges from of old allied 
with them. Against these two peoples it was carried on in 
the following years with severe conflicts and not without 
defeat. We know only isolated details, which do not 
admit of being brought into set connection. Marcus 
Claudius Fronto, to whom had been entrusted the com- 
mands of upper Moesia and Dacia united as an extra- 
ordinary measure, fell about the year 171 in conflict 
against Germans and Jazyges. The commandant of the 
guard, Marcus Macrinius Vindex, likewise fell before 
the enemy. They and other officers of high rank ob- 
tained in these years honorary monuments in Rome at 
the column of TrajaD, because they had met death in 
defence of their fatherland. The barbaric tribes, who 
had declared for Rome, again partially fell away — such 
as the Cotini and above all the Quadi, who granted an 
asylum to the fugitive Marcomani and drove out their 
vassal-king Furtius, whereupon the emperor Marcus set 
a price of 1000 gold pieces on the head of his successor 

Not till the sixth year of the war (172) does the com- 
plete conquest of the Marcomani seem to have 

8econ™wa?. nd been achieved, and Marcus to have thereupon 
assumed the well-deserved title of victory, 

Germanicus. Then followed the overthrow of the Quadi ; 


The Danubian Lands. [Book VIII. 

lastly in 175 that of the Jazyges, in consequence of which 
the emperor received the further surname of Conqueror of 
the Sarmatae. The terms which were laid down for the 
conquered tribes show that Marcus designed not to punish 
but to subdue. The Marcomani and the Jazyges, probably 
also the Quadi, were required to evacuate a border-strip 
along the river to the breadth of ten, subsequently modi- 
fied to five, miles. In the strongholds on the right bank 
of the Danube were placed Eoman garrisons, which, 
among the Marcomani and Quadi alone, amounted to- 
gether to not less than 20,000 men. All the subdued had 
to furnish contingents to the Koman army ; the Jazyges, 
for example, 8000 horsemen. Had the emperor not been 
recalled by the insurrection of Syria, he would have driven 
the latter entirely from their country, as Trajan drove the 
Dacians. That Marcus intended to treat the revolted 
Transdanubians after this model, was confirmed by the 
further course of events. Hardly was that hindrance re- 
moved, when the emperor went back to the Danube and 
began, just like Trajan, in 178 the second definitive war. 
The ground put forward for thus declaring war is not 
known; the aim is doubtless correctly specified to the 
effect that he purposed to erect two new provinces, Marco- 
mania and Sarmatia. To the Jazyges, who must have 
shown themselves submissive to the designs of the em- 
peror, their burdensome imposts were for the most part 
remitted, and, in fact, for intercourse with their kinsmen 
dwelling to the east of Dacia the Roxolani, right of passage 
through Dacia was granted to them under fitting super- 
vision — probably just because they were already regarded 
as Roman subjects. The Marcomani were almost extir- 
pated by sword and famine. The Quadi in despair wished 
to migrate to the north, and to seek settlements among the 
Semnones ; but even this was not allowed to them, as they 
had to cultivate the fields in order to provide for the 
Roman garrisons. After fourteen years of almost uninter- 
rupted warfare, he who was a warrior-prince against his 
will reached his goal, and the Romans were a second time 

Chap. VI.] 

The Danuhian Lands. 


face to face with the acquisition of the upper Elbe ; now, 
in fact, all that was wanting was the announcement of the 
wish to retain what was won. Thereupon he died — not 
yet sixty years of age — in the camp of Vindobona on 17th 
March 180. 

We must not merely acknowledge the resoluteness and 
r it f th tenacity of the ruler, but must also admit that 
Marcomanian he did what right policy enjoined. The con- 
quest of Dacia by Trajan was a doubtful gain, 
although in this very Marcomanian war the possession of 
Dacia not only removed a dangerous element from the 
ranks of the antagonists of Rome, but probably also had 
the effect of preventing the host of peoples on the lower 
Danube, the Bastarnae, Roxolani, and others, from inter- 
fering in the war. But after the mighty onset of the 
Transdanubians to the west of Dacia had made their sub- 
jugation a necessity, this could only be accomplished in a 
definitive way by embracing Bohemia, Moravia, and the 
plain of the Theiss within the Roman line of defence, al- 
though these regions were probably accounted, like Dacia, 
as having only the position of advanced posts, and the 
strategical frontier-line was certainly meant to remain the 

The successor of Marcus, the emperor Commodus, was 
_ , . . present in the camp when his father died, and 

Conclusion of J- 1 ' 

peace by Com- a s he had already for several years nominallv 

modus. . . 1 

shared the throne with his father, he entered 
with the latter's death at once into possession of unlimited 
power. Only for a brief time did the nineteen years' old 
successor allow the men who had enjoyed his father's con- 
fidence — his brother-in-law Pompeianus, and others who 
had borne with Marcus the heavy burden of the war — 'to 
rule in his spirit. Commodus was in every respect the 
opposite of his father ; not a scholar, but a fencing-master ; 
as cowardly and weak in character, as his father was res- 
olute and tenacious of purpose ; as indolent and forgetful 
of duty, as his father was active and conscientious. He 
not merely gave up the idea of incorporating the territory 


The Danubian Lands. 

[Book VIII. 

won, but voluntarily granted even to the Marcomani con- 
ditions such as they had not ventured to hope for. The 
regulation of the frontier-traffic under Eoman control, and 
the obligation not to injure their neighbours friendly to 
the Romans, were matters of course ; but the garrisons 
were withdrawn from their country, and there was retained 
only the prohibition of settlement on the border-strip. 
The payment of taxes and the furnishing of recruits were 
doubtless stipulated for, but the former were soon re- 
mitted, and the latter were certainly not furnished. A 
similar settlement was made with the Quadi ; and the 
other Transdanubians must have been similarly dealt with. 
Thereby the conquests made were given up, and the work 
of many years of warfare was in vain ; if no more was 
wished for, a similar arrangement of things might have 
been reached much earlier. Nevertheless the. Marcoman- 
ian war secured in these regions the supremacy of Rome 
for the sequel, in spite of the fact that Rome let slip the 
prize of victory. It was not by the tribes that had taken 
part in it that the blow was dealt, to which the Roman 
world-power succumbed. 

Another permanent consequence of this war was con- 
nected with the removals, to which it gave 
occasion, of the Transdanubians over into the 
Roman empire. Of themselves such changes of settle 
ment had occurred at all times ; the Sugambri, trans- 
planted under Augustus to Gaul, the Dacians sent to 
Thrace, were nothing but new subjects or communities of 
subjects added to those formerly existing, and probably 
not much different were the 3000 Naristae, whom Marcus 
allowed to exchange their settlements westward of Bohemia 
for such settlements within the empire, while the like re- 
quest was refused to the otherwise unknown Astingi on the 
Dacian north frontier. But the Germans settled by him 
not merely in the land of the Danube, but in Italy itself 
at Ravenna, were neither free subjects nor strictly non- 
free persons ; these were the beginnings of the Roman 
villanage, the colonate, the influence of which on the 

Chap. VI.] The Danvbian Lands. 


agricultural economy of the whole state is to be set forth 
in another connection. That Bavennate settlement, how- 
ever, had no permanence ; the men rose in revolt and had 
to be conveyed away, so that the new colonate remained 
restricted primarily to the provinces particularly to the 
lands of the Danube. 

The great war on the middle Danube was once more 
followed by a six years' time of peace, the 
Northmen™" 1 ** blessings of which could not be completely 
neutralised by the internal misgovernment 
that was constantly increasing during its course. No doubt 
various isolated accounts show that the frontier, espe- 
cially the Dacian, which was most exposed, remained not 
without trouble ; but above all, the stern military govern- 
ment of Severus did its duty here, and at least Marco- 
mani and Quadi appear even under his immediate succes- 
sors in unconditional dependence, so that the son of Severus 
could cite a prince of the Quadi before him and lay his 
head at his feet. The conflicts occurring at this epoch on 
the lower Danube were of subordinate importance. But 
probably at this period a comprehensive shifting of peo- 
ples from the north-east towards the Black Sea took place, 
and the Koman frontier-guard on the lower Danube had 
to confront new and more dangerous opponents. Up to 
this time the antagonists of the Bomans there had been 
chiefly Sarmatian tribes, among whom the Boxolani came 
into closest contact with them ; of Germans there were 
settled here at that time only the Bastarnae, who had been 
long at home in this region. Now the Boxolani disap- 
pear, merged possibly among the Carpi apparently akin 
to them, who thenceforth were the nearest neighbours of 
the Bomans on the lower Danube, perhaps in the valleys 
of the Seret and Pruth. 

By the side of the Carpi came, likewise as immediate 
„ neighbours of the Bomans at the mouth of the 


Danube, the people of the Goths. This Ger- 
manic stock migrated, according to the tradition which 
has been preserved to us, from Scandinavia over the Bal- 



The Danubian Lands. pBoox vm. 

tic towards the region of the Vistula, and from this to the 
Black Sea ; in accordance with this the Roman geog- 
raphers of the second century know them at the Vistula, 
and Roman history from the first quarter of the third at 
the north-west coast of the Black Sea. Thenceforth they 
appear here constantly on the increase ; the remains of 
the Bastarnae retired before them to the right bank of the 
Danube under the emperor Probus, the remains of the 
Carpi under the emperor Diocletian, while beyond doubt a 
great part of the former as of the latter mingled among the 
Goths and joined them. On the whole this catastrophe 
may be designated as that of the Gothic war only in the 
sense in which that which set in under Marcus is called 
the war of the Marcomani ; the whole mass of peoples set 
in movement by the stream of migration from the north- 
east to the Black Sea took part in it ; and took part all 
the more, seeing that these attacks took place just as 
much by land over the lower Danube as by water from 
the north coasts of the Black Sea, in an inextricable 
complication of landward and maritime piracy. Not un- 
suitably, therefore, the learned Athenian who fought in 
this war and has narrated, it prefers to term it the Scy- 
thian, as he includes under this name — which, like the 
Pelasgian, forms the despair of the historian — all Germanic 
and non-Germanic enemies of the empire. What is to be 
told of these expeditions will here be brought together, 
so far as the confusion of tradition, which is only too 
much in keeping with the confusion of these fearful times, 

The year 238 — a year also of civil war, when there were 
four emperors — is designated as that in which 
the war against those here first named Goths 
began. 1 As the coins of Tyra and Olbia cease with Alex- 
ander (f 235), these Roman possessions situated beyond 

1 The alleged first mention of the Goths in the biography of Cara- 
calla, c. 10, rests on a misunderstanding. If really a senator allowed 
himself the malicious jest of assigning to the murderer of Geta the 
name Geticus, because he on his march from the Danube to the 

Chap. VI.] 

The Danubian Lands. 


the boundary of the empire had doubtless become some 
years earlier a prey to the new enemy. In that year they 
first crossed the Danube, and the most northerly of the 
Moesian coast towns, Istros, was the first victim. Gor- 
dianus, who emerged out of the confusions of this time as 
ruler, is designated as conqueror of the Goths ; it is more 
certain that the Roman government at any rate under him, 
if not already earlier, agreed to buy off the Gothic incur- 
sions. 1 As was natural, the Carpi demanded the same as 
the emperor had granted to the inferior Goths ; when the 
demand was not granted, they invaded the Roman terri- 
tory in the year 245. The emperor Philippus — Gordianus 
was at that time already dead — repulsed them, and ener- 
getic action with the combined strength of the great em- 
pire would probably here have checked the barbarians. 
But in these years the murderer of an emperor reached 
the throne as surely as he found in turn his 

Decius. i i . . ... 

own murderer and successor ; it was just m 
the imperilled regions of the Danube that the army pro- 
claimed against the emperor Philippus first Marinus Paca- 
tianus, and, after he was set aside, Traianus Decius, which 
latter in fact vanquished his antagonist in Italy, and was 

east had conquered some Getic hordes {tumultuariis proeliis), he 
meant Dacians, not the Goths, scarcely at that time dwelling there 
and hardly known to the Roman public, whose identification with 
the Getae was certainly only a later invention. — We may add that 
the statement that the emperor Maximinus (235-238) was the son of 
a Goth settled in the neighbouring Thrace, carries us still further 
back ; yet not much weight is to be attached to it. 

1 Petrus Patricius, fr. 8. The administration of the legate of lower 
Moesia here mentioned, Tullius Menophilus, is fixed by coins cer- 
tainly to the time of Gordian, and with probability to 238-240 
(Borghesi, Opp. ii. 227). As the beginning of the Gothic war and 
the destruction of Istros are fixed by Dexippus (vita Max. et Balb. 
16) at 238, it is natural to bring into connection with these events 
the undertaking of tribute ; at any rate it was then renewed. The 
vain sieges of Marcianopolis and Philippopolis by the Goths (Dex- 
ippus, fr. 18, 19) may have followed on the capture of Istros. 
Jordanes, Get. 16, 92, puts the former under Philippus, but is in 
chronological questions not a valid witness. 


The JDanubmn Za?ids. [Book VIII, 

acknowledged as ruler. He was an able and brave man, 
not unworthy of the two names which he bore, and entered, 
so soon as he could, resolutely into the conflicts on the 
Danube ; but what the civil war waged in the meanwhile 
had destroyed, could no longer be retrieved. While the 
Eomans were fighting with one another the Goths and the 
Carpi had united, and had under the Gothic prince Cniva 
invaded Moesia denuded of troops. The governor of the 
province, Trebonianus Gallus, threw himself with his force 
into Nicopolis on the Haemus, and was here besieged by 
the Goths ; these at the same time pillaged Thrace and 
besieged its capital, the great and strong Philippopolis ; in- 
deed they reached as far as Macedonia, and invested Thes- 
salonica, where the governor Priscus found this just a fitting 
moment to have himself proclaimed as emperor. When 
Decius arrived to combat at once his rival and the public foe, 
the former was doubtless without difficulty set aside, and 
success also attended the relief of Nicopolis, where 30,000 
Goths are said to have fallen. But the Goths, retreating 
to Thrace, conquered in turn at Beroe (Alt-Zagora), threw 
the Romans back on Moesia, and reduced Nicopolis there 
as well as Anchialus in Thrace and even Philippopolis, 
where 100.000 men are said to have come into their power. 
Thereupon they marched northwards to bring into safety 
their enormous booty. Decius projected the plan of in- 
flicting a blow on the enemy at the crossing of the Dan- 
ube. He stationed a division under Gallus on the bank, 
and hoped to be able to throw the Goths upon this, and 
to cut off their retreat. But at Abrittus, a place on the 
Moesian frontier, the fortune of war, or else the treach- 
ery of Gallus, decided against them. Decius 
perished with his son, and Gallus, who was 
proclaimed as his successor, began his reign by once 
more assuring to the Goths the annual payments of 
money (251). 1 This utter defeat of Roman arms as of Ro- 

1 The reports of these occurrences in Zosimus, i. 21-24, Zonaras, 
xii. 20, Ammianus, xxxi. 5, 16, 17 (which accounts, down to that 
concerning Philippopolis, are fixed as belonging to this time by the 

Chap. VI.] The DanuMan Lands. 


man policy, the fall of the emperor, the first who lost his 
life in conflict with the barbarians — a piece of news which 
deeply moved men's minds even in this age demoralised 
by its familiarity with misfortune — the disgraceful capitu- 
lation following thereon, placed in fact the integrity of the 
empire at stake. Serious crises on the middle Danube, 
threatening probably the loss of Dacia, must have been 
the immediate consequence. Once more this was averted ; 
the Governor of Pannonia, Marcus Aemilius Aemilianus, a 
good soldier, achieved an important success of arms, and 
drove the enemy over the frontier. But Nemesis bore 
sway. The consequence of this victory, achieved in the 
name of Gallus, was, that the army renounced allegiance 
to the betrayer of Decius and chose their general as his 
successor. Once more therefore civil war took prece- 
dence of frontier-defence ; and while Aemilianus no doubt 
vanquished Gallus in Italy, but soon afterwards succumbed 
to his general Valerianus (254), Dacia was lost 

Loss of Dacia. „ ., , , . , - 

tor the empire — now, and to whom, we know 
not. 1 The last coin struck by this province, and the latest 
inscription found there, are of the year 255, the last coin 
of the neighbouring Viminacium in upper Moesia of the 
following year ; in the first years of Valerianus and Gal- 
lienus therefore the barbarians occupied the Roman ter- 
ritory on the left bank of the Danube, and certainly also 
pressed across to the right. 

Before we pursue further the development of affairs on 
the lower Danube, it appears necessary to cast a glance at 
piracy, as it was then in vogue in the eastern half of the 

fact that the latter recurs in Zosimus), although all fragmentary or 
in disorder, may have flowed from the report of Dexippus, of which 
fr. 16, 19, are preserved, and may be in some measure combined. 
The same source lies at the bottom of the imperial biographies and 
Jordanes; but both have disfigured and falsified it to such a degree 
that use can be made of their statements only with great caution. 
Victor, Caes. 29, is independent. 

1 Perhaps the irruption of the Marcomani in Zosimus, i. 29, refers 
to this. 


The Danubian Lands. 

[Book VIII. 

Mediterranean, and the maritime expeditions of the Goths 
and their allies originating from it. 

That the Koman fleet could at no time be dispensed 

with on the Black Sea, and piracy there was 
Biack y sea. the probably never extirpated, was implied in the 

very nature of the Koman rule as it had taken 
shape on its coasts. The Komans were in firm possession 
only perhaps from the mouths of the Danube as far as 
Trapezus. It is true that on the one hand Tyra at the 
mouth of the Dniester and Olbia on the bay at the mouth of 
the Dnieper, on the other side the Caucasian harbours in 
the regions of the modern Suchum-Kaleh, Dioscurias and 
Pityus, were Roman. The intervening Bosporan kingdom 
in the Crimea also stood under Roman protection, and had 
a Roman garrison subject to the governor of Moesia. But 
on these shores, for the most part far from inviting, there 
were only those posts formerly held either as old Greek 
settlements or as . Roman fortresses ; the coast itself was 
desolate or in the hands of the natives filling the interior, 
who comprehended under the general name of Scythians, 
mostly of Sarmatian descent, never were, or were to be- 
come, subject to the Romans; it was enough if they did 
not directly lay hands on the Romans or their clients. 
Accordingly, it is not to be wondered at, that even in the 
time of Tiberius the pirates of the east coast not merely 
made the Black Sea insecure, but also landed and levied 
contributions on the villages and towns of the coast. If, 
under Pius or Marcus, a band of the Costoboci dwelling 
on the north-western shore fell upon the inland town 
Elateia situated in the heart of Phocis, and came to blows 
under its walls with the citizens, this event, which certaioly 
only by accident stands forth for us as isolated, shows that 
the same phenomena which preceded the downfall of the 
government of the senate were now renewed, and even with 
the imperial power maintaining itself outwardly unshaken 
not merely individual piratical ships, but squadrons of 
pirates cruised in the Black and even in the Mediterranean 
seas. The decline of the government, clearly discernible 

Chap. VI] 

The Danubian Lands. 


after the death of Severus, and above all after the end of the 
last dynasty, manifested itself then, as was natural, es- 
pecially in the further decay of marine police. The ac- 
counts, in detail far from trustworthy, mention already in 
the time before Decius the appearance of a great fleet of 
pirates in the Aegean Sea ; then under Decius the plun- 
dering of the Pamphylian coast and of the Graeco-Asiatic 
islands ; under Gallus maraudings of pirates in Asia Minor 
as far as Pessinus and Ephesus. 1 These were predatory 
expeditions. These comrades plundered the coast far and 
wide, and made even, as we see, bold raids into the in- 
terior; but nothing is mentioned of the destruction of 
towns, and the pirates shunned coming into collision with 
Roman troops ; the attack was chiefly directed against such 
regions as had no troops stationed in them. 

Under Valerian these expeditions assume a different 
„ . x . .. character. The nature of the raids varies so 

Maritime expedi- 
tions of the Goths much from the earlier, that the raid, in itself 

not specially important, of the Borani against 

Pityus under Valerian could be designated by intelligent 

reporters precisely as the beginning of this movement, 2 

1 Ammianus, xxxi. 5, 15 ; duobus navium milibus perrupto Bosporo 
et litoribus Proponiidis ScytMcarum gentium catervae transgressae 
ediderunt quidem acerbas terra marique strages : sed amissa suorum 
parte maxima reverterunt; whereupon the catastrophe of the Decii 
is narrated, and into this is inwoven the further notice: obsessae 
Pamphyliae civitates (to which must belong the siege of Side in 
Dexippus himself, fr. 23), insula) populate complures, as also the 
siege of Cyzicus. If in this retrospect all is not confused — which 
cannot well be assumed to be the case with Ammianus — this falls 
before those naval expeditions which begin with the siege of Pityus, 
and are more a part of the migration of peoples than piratical raids. 
The number of the ships might indeed be transferred hither by 
error of memory from the expedition, of the year 269. To the same 
connection belongs the notice in Zosimus, i. 28, as to the Scythian 
expeditions into Asia and Cappadocia as far as Ephesus and Pessinus. 
The account as to Ephesus in the biography of Gallienus, c. 6, is the 
same, but transposed as to time. 

2 In the case of Zosimus himself we should not expect complete 
understanding of the matter ; but his voucher Dexippus, who was a 
contemporary and took part in the matter, knew well why he termed 


The DannUcm Lands. [Book VIII. 

and that the pirates were for a long time called in Asia by 
the name of this tribe not otherwise known to us. These 
expeditions proceed no longer from the old native dwellers 
beside the Black Sea, but from the hordes pressing behind 
them. What had hitherto been piracy begins to form a 
portion of that migratory movement of peoples to which 
the advance of the Goths on the lower Danube belongs. 
The peoples taking part in it are very varied and in part 
little known ; in the later expeditions the Germanic Heruli, 
then dwelling beside the Maeotis, appear to have played a 
leading part. The Goths also took part, but, so far as 
sea-voyages are concerned — and tolerably exact reports of 
these are before us — not in a prominent manner ; strictly 
speaking, these expeditions are more correctly termed 
Scythian than Gothic. The maritime centre of these 
aggressions was the mouth of the Dniester, the port of 
Tyra. 1 The Greek towns of the Bosporus, abandoned 
through the bankruptcy of the imperial power, without 
protection to the hordes pressing onward, and expecting 
to be besieged by them, consented, half under compulsion, 
half voluntarily, to convey in their vessels, and by their 
mariners, the inconvenient new neighbours over to the 
nearest Koman possessions on the north coast of Pontus — 
for which these neighbours themselves lacked the needful 
means and the needful skill. It was thus that the expedi- 
tion against Pityus was brought about. The Borani were 
landed and, confident of success, sent back the ships. But 
the resolute commander of Pityus, Successianus, repelled 

the Bithynian expedition the 8evr4pa efotios (Zos. i. 35) ; and even 
in Zosimus we discern clearly the contrast, intended by Dexippus, 
between the expedition of the Borani against Pityus and Trapezus 
and the traditional piratic voyages. In the biography of Gallienus 
the Scythian expedition to Cappadocia, narrated at c. 11, under the 
year 264, must be that to Trapezus, just as the Bithynian therewith 
connected must be that which Zosimus terms the second ; here indeed 
everything is confused. 

1 This is said by Zosimus, i. 42, and follows also from the relation 
of the Bosporansto the first (i. 32), and that of the first to the second 
expedition (i. 34). 

Chap. VI.] The Daniibian Lands. 


the attack ; and the assailants, fearing the arrival of the 
other Koman garrisons, hastily withdrew, for which they 
had difficulty in procuring the necessary transports. But 
the plan was not given up ; in the next year they came back, 
and, as the commandant had meanwhile been changed, the 
t fortress surrendered. The Borani, who this 

time had retained the Bosporan vessels and 
had them manned by pressed mariners and Koman captives, 
possessed themselves of the coast far and wide, and reached 
as far as Trapezus. Into this well fortified and strongly 
garrisoned town all had fled, and the barbarians were not 
in a position for a real siege. But the leadership of the 
Romans was bad, and the military discipline so on the 
decline that not even the walls were occupied ; so the 
barbarians scaled them by night, without encountering 
resistance, and in the great and rich city enormous 
booty, including a number of ships, fell into their hands. 
They returned successful frx>m the far distant land to the 

Excited by this success, a second expedition of other but 
neighbouring Scythian bands was in the fol- 
ToBithyma. lowing winter directed against Bithynia. It is 
significant of the unsettled state of things that the insti- 
gator of this movement was Chrysogonus, a Greek of Nico- 
media, and that he was highly honoured by the barbarians 
for its successful result. This expedition was undertaken 
— as the necessary number of ships was not to be procured 
— partly by land partly by water ; it was only in the neigh- 
bourhood of Byzantium that the pirates succeeded in pos- 
sessing themselves of a considerable number of fishing- 
boats, and so they arrived along the Asiatic coast at Chal- 
cedon, whose strong garrison on this news ran off. Not 
merely this town fell into their hands, but also along the 
coast Nicomedia, Chios, Apamea; in the interior Nicaea 
and Prusa ; Nicomedia and Nicaea they burnt down, and 
reached as far as Rhyndacus. Thence they sailed home, 
laden with the treasures of the rich land and of its con- 
siderable cities. 


The Danubian Lands. [Book VIII. 

The expedition against Bithynia had already been un- 
dertaken in part by land ; all the more were 
the attacks that were directed against Euro- 
pean Greece composed of piratical expeditions by land and 
sea. If Moesia and Thrace were not permanently occupied 
by the Goths, they yet came and went there as if they were 
at home, and roved from thence far into Macedonia. Even 
Achaia expected under Valerian invasion from this side ; 
Thermopylae and the Isthmus were barricaded, and the 
Athenians set to work to restore their walls that had lain 
in ruins since the siege by Sulla. The barbarians did not 
come then and by this route. But under Gallienus a fleet 
of five hundred sail, this time chiefly Heruli, appeared 
before the port of Byzantium, which, however, had not yet 
lost its capacity of defence ; the ships of the Byzantines 
successfully repulsed the robbers. These sailed onward, 
showed themselves on the Asiatic coast before Cyzicus 
not formerly attacked, and arrived from thence by way 
of Lemnos and Imbros at Greece proper. Athens, Co- 
rinth, Argos, Sparta, were pillaged and destroyed. It was 
always something that, as in the times of the Persian wars, 
the citizens of the destroyed Athens, two thousand in num- 
ber, laid an ambush for the retiring barbarians, and, under 
the leadership of their equally learned and brave captain, 
Publius Herennius Dexippus, of the old and noble family of 
the Kerykes, with support of the Roman fleet, inflicted a 
notable loss on the pirates. On the return home, which 
took place in part by the land route, the emperor Gallie- 
nus attacked them in Thrace at the river Nestus and put 
to death a considerable number of their men. 1 

1 The report of Dexippus as to this expedition is given in extract 
by Syncellus, p. 717 (where ave\6vros must be read for ave\6vres\ 
Zosimus, i. 39, and the biographer of Gallienus, c. 13. Fr. 22 is a 
portion of his own narrative. In the continuator of Dio, on whom 
Zonaras depends, the event is placed under Claudius, through error 
or through falsification, which grudged this victory to Gallienus. 
The biography of Gallienus narrates the incident apparently twice, 
first shortly in c. 6 under the year 262; then better, under or after 
265, in c. 13. 

Chap. VI.] The Danubian Lands. 267 

In order completely to survey the measure of misfor- 
tune, we must take into account that in this 
gwerament of empire going to shreds, and above all in the 
ri e d GotMcpe " provinces overrun by the enemy, one officer 
after another grasped at the crown, which hard- 
ly any longer existed. It is not worth the trouble to record the 
names of these ephemeral wearers of the purple ; it marks 
the situation that, after the devastation of Bithynia by the 
pirates, the emperor Valerian omitted to send thither an 
extraordinary commandant, because every general was, not 
without reason, regarded by him as a rival. This co-oper- 
ated to produce the almost thoroughly passive attitude of 
the government in presence of this sore emergency. Yet, 
on the other hand, undoubtedly a good part of this irre- 
sponsible passiveness is to be traced to the personality of 
the rulers : Valerian was weak and aged, Gallienus vehe- 
ment and dissolute, and neither the one nor the other was 
equal to the guidance of the vessel of the state in a storm. 
Marcianus, to whom Gallienus after the invasion of Achaia 
had committed the command in these regions, operated 
not without success ; but the matter did not gain any 
real turn for the better so long as Gallienus occupied the 

After the murder of Gallienus (268), perhaps on the news 
of it, the barbarians, again led by the Heruli, 
G f °™ ic ? ctories but this time with united forces, undertook 

of Claudius. 5 

an assault on the imperial frontier, such as 
there had not been hitherto, with a powerful fleet, and 
probably at the same time by land from the Danube. 1 

1 In our traditional accounts this expedition appears as a pure sea- 
voyage, undertaken with (probably) 2000 ships (so the biography of 
Claudius ; the numbers 6000 and 900, between which the tradition 
in Zosimus, i. 42, wavers, are probably both corrupt) and 320,000 
men. It is, however, far from credible that Dexippus, to whom these 
statements must be traced back, can have put the latter figure in 
this way. On the other hand, considering the direction of the ex- 
pedition, in the first instance against Tomis and Marcianopolis, it 
is more than probable that in it the procedure described by Zos. i. 34 
was followed, and a portion marched by land; and under this suppo- 


The Danulian Lands. [Book VIII. 

The fleet had much to suffer from storms in the Propon- 
tis ; then it divided, and the Goths advanced partly against 
Thessaly and Greece, partly against Crete and Rhodes ; the 
chief mass resorted to Macedonia and thence penetrated 
into the interior, beyond doubt in combination with the 
bands that had marched into Thrace. But the emperor 
Claudius, who marched up in person with a strong force, 
brought relief at length to the Thessalonians oft besieged 
but now reduced to extremity ; he drove the Goths before 
him up the valley of the Axius (Vardar) and onward over 
the mountains to upper Moesia; after various conflicts, 
with changing fortune of war, he achieved here in the 
Morava valley near Naissus a brilliant victory, in which 
50,000 of the enemy are said to have fallen. The Goths 
retired broken up, first in the direction towards Mace- 
donia, then through Thrace to the Haemus, in order to put 
the Danube between themselves and the enemy. A quar- 
rel in the Roman camp, this time between infantry and 
cavalry, had almost given them once more a respite ; but, 
when it came to fighting, the cavalry could not bear to 
leave their comrades in the lurch, and so the united army 
was once more victorious. A severe pestilence, which raged 
in all the years of distress, but especially then in those re- 
gions, and above all in the armies, did great injury doubt- 
less to the Romans — the emperor Claudius himself suc- 
cumbed to it — but the great army of the Northmen was 
utterly extirpated, and the numerous captives were incor- 
porated in the Roman armies or made serfs. 
inToTtheDan 7 The hydra of military revolutions, too, was in 

ube-frcntier. i i i /n i • t si. 

some measure subdued ; Claudius, and alter 
him Aurelian, were masters in the empire after another 
fashion than could be said of Gallienus. The renewal of 
the fleet, towards which a beginning had been made under 
Gallienus, would not be wanting. The Dacia of Trajan 

sition even a contemporary might well estimate the number of as- 
sailants at that figure. The course of the campaign, particularly the 
place of the decisive battle, shows that they had by no means to do 
merely with a fleet. 

Chap. VI. ] The Danubian Lands. 


was, and remained, lost ; Aurelian withdrew the posts still 
holding out there, and gave to the possessors dislodged 
or inclined for emigration new dwellings on the Moesian 
bank. But Thrace and Moesia, which for a time had be- 
longed more to the Goths than to the Romans, returned 
under Roman rule, and at least the frontier of the Danube 
was once more fortified. 

We may not assign to these Gothic and Scythian expe- 
ditions by land and by sea, which fill up the 
Goth?cwL°s! the twenty years 260-269, such significance, as if 
the hordes moving forth had been minded to 
take permanent possession of the countries which they 
traversed. Such a plan cannot be shown to have existed 
even for Moesia and Thrace, to say nothing of the more 
remote coasts ; hardly, moreover, were the assailants nu- 
merous enough to undertake invasions proper. As the bad 
government of the last rulers, and above all the untrust- 
worthiness of the troops, far more than the superior power 
of the barbarians, called forth the flooding of the territory 
by land and sea robbers, so the re-establishment of internal 
order and the energetic demeanour of the government 
of themselves brought its deliverance. The Eoman state 
could not yet be broken if it did not break itself. But 
still it was a great work to rally the government again as 
Claudius had done it. We know somewhat less even of 
him than of most regents of this time, as the probably fic- 
titious carrying back of the Constantinian pedigree to him 
has repainted his portrait after the tame pattern of perfec- 
tion ; but this very association, as well as the numberless 
coins struck in his honour after his death, show that he 
was regarded by the next generation as the deliverer of the 
state, and in this it cannot have been mistaken. These 
Scythian expeditions were at all events a prelude of the 
later migration of peoples ; and the destruction of cities, 
which distinguishes them from the ordinary piratic voy- 
ages, took place at that time to such an extent that the 
prosperity as well as the culture of Greece and Asia Minor 
never recovered from it. 

270 The Danulian Lands. [Book vill. 

On the re-established frontier of the Danube Aurelian 

consolidated the victory achieved, inasmuch as 
wars^o the^nd ne conducted the defensive once more offen- 
tury e 3d cen sively, and, crossing the Danube at its mouth, 

defeated beyond it not only the Carpi, who 
thenceforth stood in client-relation to the Eomans, but 
also the Goths under King Canabaudes. His successor 
Probus took, as was already stated, the remains of the 
Bastarnae, hard pressed by the Goths, over to the Eoman 
bank, just as Diocletian in the year 295 took the remnant 
of the Carpi. This points to the fact that beyond the 
river the empire of the Goths was consolidated ; but they 
came no further. The border fortresses were reinforced ; 
counter-Aquincum {contra Aquincum, Pesth) was con- 
structed in the year 294. The piratic expeditions did not 
entirely disappear. Under Tacitus hordes from the Mae- 
otis appeared in Cilicia. The Franks, whom Probus had 
settled on the Black Sea, procured for themselves vessels, 
and sailed home to their North Sea, after plundering by 
the way on the Sicilian and African coasts. By land, too, 
there was no cessation of arms, as indeed all the numerous 
Sarmatian victories of Diocletian, and a part of his Ger- 
manic, would fall to the regions of the Danube ; but it 
was only under Constantine that matters again came to a 
serious war with the Goths, which had a successful issue. 
The preponderance of Borne was re-established after the 
Gothic victory of Claudius as firmly as before. 

The war-history which we have just unfolded did not 

fail to react with general and lasting effect 
mm£S g fo rce he upon the internal organisation of the Eoman 
emment" 3 g ° v ~ political and military system. It has already 

been pointed out that the corps of the Ehine, 
holding in the early imperial period the leading position 
in the army, yielded their primacy already under Trajan 
to the legions of the Danube. While under Augustus six 
legions were stationed in the region of the Danube and 
eight in that of the Ehine, after the Dacian wars of Do- 
mitian and Trajan in the second century the Ehine-camps 

Chap. VI.] 

The Danubian Lands. 


numbered only four, the camps of the Danube ten, and 
after the Marcomanian war even twelve, legions. Inas- 
much as since Hadrian's time the Italian element, apart 
from the officers, had disappeared from the army, and, 
taken on the whole, every regiment was recruited in the 
district in which it was quartered, the most of the soldiers 
of the Danubian army, and not less the centurions who 
rose from the ranks, were natives of Pannonia, Dacia, 
Moesia, Thrace. The new legions formed under Marcus 
proceeded from Illyricum, and the extraordinary supple- 
mental levies which the troops then needed were probably 
likewise taken chiefly from the districts in which the ar- 
mies were stationed. Thus the primacy of the Danubian 
armies, which the war of the three emperors in the time 
of Severus established and increased, was at the same time 
a primacy of Illyrian soldiers ; and this reached a very em- 
phatic expression in the reform of the guard under Seve- 
rus. This primacy did not, properly speaking, affect the 
higher spheres of government, so long as the position of 
officer still coincided with that of imperial official, although 
the equestrian career was accessible to the common sol- 
dier through the intervening link of the centurionate at 
all times, and thus the Illyrians early found their way into 
that career ; as indeed, already, in the year 235, a native 
Thracian, Gaius Julius Varus Maximinus, in the year 248 
a native Pannooian, Trajanus Decius, had in this way at- 
tained even to the purple. But when Gallienus, in a dis- 
trust certainly but too well justified, excluded the class of 
senators from serving as officers, what had hitherto held 
good as to the soldiers became necessarily extended to the 
officers also. It was thus simply a matter of course that 
the soldiers belonging to the army of the Danube, and 
mostly springing from Illyrian districts, played thence- 
forth the first part also in government, and, so far as the 
army made the emperors, these were likewise as to the ma- 
jority Illyrians. Thus Gallienus was followed by Claudius 
the Dardanian, Aurelianus from Moesia, Probus from Pan- 
nonia, Diocletianus from Dalmatia, Maximianus from Pan- 


The JDanuUan Lands. [Book VIII. 

nonia, Constantius from Dardania, Galerius from Serdica ; 
as to the last named, an author writing under the Con- 
stantinian dynasty brings into prominence their descent 
from Illyricum, and adds that they, with little culture but 
good preliminary training by labour in the field and ser- 
vice in war, had been excellent rulers. Such service as 
the Albanians for a long time rendered to the Turkish em- 
pire, their predecessors likewise rendered to the Roman 
imperial state, when this had arrived at similar disorder 
and similar barbarism. Only, the Illyrian regeneration 
of the Roman imperial order may not be conceived of as a 
national reorganisation ; it was simply the propping up, 
by soldiers, of an empire utterly reduced through the mis- 
government of rulers of gentler birth. Italy had wholly 
ceased to be military ; and history does not acknowledge 
the ruler's right without the warrior's power. 





With the general intellectual development of the Hel- 
lenes the political development of their repub- 
F?nheiieni?m d ^ cs na ^ n °t kept equal pace, or rather the lux- 
uriant growth of the former had — just as too 
full a bloom bursts the cup that contains it — not allowed 
any individual commonwealth to acquire the extent and sta- 
bility which are preliminary conditions for the thorough 
formation of a state. The petty-state-system of individual 
cities or city-leagues could not but be stunted in itself or 
fall a prey to the barbarians. Panhellenism alone guar- 
anteed alike the continued existence of the nation and its 
further development in presence of the alien races dwell- 
ing around it. It was realised by the treaty which king 
Philip of Macedonia, the father of Alexander, concluded 
in Corinth with the states of Hellas. This was, in name, 
a federal agreement, in fact, the subjection of the repub- 
lics to the monarchy, but a subjection, which took effect 
only as regards external relations, seeing that the absolute 
generalship in opposition to the national foe was trans- 
ferred by almost all towns of the Greek mainland to the 
Macedonian general, while in other respects freedom and 
autonomy were left to them ; and this was, as circum- 
stances stood, the only possible realisation of Panhellenism 
and the form regulating in substance the future of Greece. 
It subsisted in presence of Philip and Alexander, though 
the Hellenic idealists were reluctant, as they always were, 
to acknowledge the realised ideal as such. Then, when 
the kingdom of Alexander fell to pieces, all was over, as 
with Panhellenism itself, so also with the union of the 


Greek JZurqpe. [Book VIII. 

Greek towns under the monarchic supremacy ; and these 
wore out their last mental and material power in centu- 
ries of aimless striving, distracted between the alternating 
rule of the two powerful monarchies, and vain attempts, 
under cover of their quarrels, to restore the old particu- 

When at length the mighty republic of the west entered 
into the conflict, hitherto in some measure 
Heiias and balanced, of the monarchies of the east, and 
soon showed itself more powerful than each 
of the Greek states there striving with one another, the 
Panhellenic policy became - renewed as the position of 
supremacy became fixed. Neither the Macedonians nor 
the Eomans were Hellenes in the full sense of the word ; 
it is indeed the sad feature of Greek development that 
the Attic naval empire was more a hope than a reality, and 
the work of union could not emanate from the bosom of 
the nation itself. While in a national respect the Mace- 
donians stood nearer to the Greeks than the Komans did, 
the commonwealth of Rome had politically far more of 
elective affinity to the Hellenic than the Macedonian he- 
reditary kingdom. But — what is the chief matter — the 
attractive power of the Greek character was probably felt 
more permanently and deeply by the Eoman burgesses 
than by the statesmen of Macedonia, just because the 
former stood at a greater distance from it than the latter. 
The desire to become at least internally Hellenised, to be- 
come partakers of the manners and the culture, of the art 
and the science of Hellas, to be — in the footsteps of the 
great Macedonian — shield and sword of the Greeks of the 
East, and to be allowed further to civilise this East not 
after an Italian but after a Hellenic fashion — this desire 
pervades the later centuries of the Roman republic and 
the better times of the empire with a power and an ideal- 
ity which are almost no less tragic than that political toil 
of the Hellenes failing to attain its goal. For both sides 
strove after the impossible : to Hellenic Panhellenism 
there was refused duration, and to Roman Hellenism solid 

Chap. VII.] Greek Europe. 


intrinsic worth. Nevertheless it has essentially influenced 
the policy of the Roman republic as well as that of the 
emperors. However much the Greeks, particularly in the 
last century of the republic, showed the Romans that their 
labour of love was a forlorn one, this made no change 
either in the labour or in the love. 

The Greeks of Europe had been comprehended by the 
Roman republic under a single governorship 
ony <rf m Augus- named after the chief country Macedonia. 
tus * When this was administratively dissolved at 

the beginning of the imperial period, there was at the 
same time conferred on the whole Greek name a re- 
ligious bond of union, which attached itself to the old 
Delphic Amphictiony introduced for the sake of " a peace 
of God " and then misused for political ends. Under the 
Roman republic it had been in the main brought back 
to the original foundations ; Macedonia as well as Aeto- 
lia, both of which had intruded as usurpers, were again 
eliminated, and the Amphictiony once more embraced 
not all, but most, of the tribes of Thessaly and of Greece 
proper. Augustus caused the league to be extended to 
Epirus and Macedonia, and thereby made it in substance 
the representative of the Hellenic land in the wider sense 
alone suited to this epoch. A privileged position in this 
union alongside of the time-honoured Delphi was occupied 
by the two cities of Athens and Nicopolis, the former the 
capital of the old, the latter, according to Augustus's de- 
sign, that of the new imperial, Hellenic body. 1 This new 

1 The organisation of the Delphic Amphictiony under the Roman 
repuhlic is especially clear from the Delphic inscription, C. 1. L. 
iii. p. 987 (comp. Bull, de Corr. Hell. vii. 427 ff.). The union was 
formed at that time of seventeen tribes with — together — twenty- 
four votes, all of them belonging to Greece proper or Thessaly ; Ae- 
tolia, Epirus, Macedonia were wanting. After the remodelling by 
Augustus (Pausanias, x. 8) this organisation continued to subsist in 
other respects, except only that by restriction of the disproportionately 
numerous Thessalian votes those of the tribes hitherto represented 
were reduced to eighteen ; to these were now added Nicopolis in 
Epirus with six, and Macedonia likewise with six votes. Moreover 


Greek Europe. 

[Book VIII. 

Amphictiony lias a certain resemblance to the diet of the 
three Gauls (p. 101) ; just like the altar of the emperor at 
Lyons for this diet, the temple of the Pythian Apollo 
was the religious centre of the Greek provinces. But, 
while to the former withal a directly political activity was 
conceded, the Amphictions of this epoch, in addition to 
the religious festivals proper, simply attended to the ad- 
ministration of the Delphic sanctuary and of its still 
considerable revenues. 1 If its president in later times 
ascribed to himself " Helladarchy," this rule over Greece 
was simply an ideal conception. 2 But the official con- 
serving of the Greek nationality remaiued always a token 
of the attitude which the new imperialism occupied to- 
wards it, and of its Philhellenism, far surpassing that of 
the republic. 

the six votes of Nicopolis were to be given on each occasion, just as 
this continued to be the case, for the two of Delphi and the one of 
Athens ; whereas the other votes were given by the groups, so that, 
e.g. the one vote of the Peloponnesian Dorians alternated between 
Argos, Sicyon, Corinth, and Megara. The Amphictionies were 
even now not a collective representation of the European Hellenes, 
in so far as the tribes earlier excluded in Greece proper, a portion 
of the Peloponnesians, and the Aetolians not attached to Mcopolis, 
were not represented in it. 

1 The stated meetings in Delphi and at Thermopylae continued 
(Pausanias, vii. 24, 3 ; Philostratus, Vita Apoll. iv. 23), and of 
course also the carrying out of the Pythian games, along with the 
conferring of the prizes by the collegium of the Amphictiones (Philo- 
stratus , Vitae Soph. ii. 27) ; the same body has the administration of 
the " interest and revenues" of the temple (inscription of Delphi, 
Rhein. Mas. JV. F. ii. in), and fits up from it, for example at Del- 
phi, a library (Lebas, ii. 845) or puts up statues there. 

" l The members of the college of the 'A^iK-nWes, or, as they were 
called at this epoch, 'A^i/cTu^es, were appointed by the several 
towns in the way previously described, sometimes from time to 
time (iteration : C. 1. Or. 1058), sometimes for life (Plutarch, An. 
seni, 10), which probably depended on whether the vote was con- 
stant or alternating (Wilamowitz). Its president was termed in 
earlier times iTrifieAriT^s rov koivov tuv 'A^lktvouwv (Delphic inscrip- 
tions, Rhein. Mus. N. F. ii. in ; G. I. Or. 1713), subsequently 
'Ehhabdpxrjs rwy^A/J.(piKTv6^uu (C. I. Gr. 1124). 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


Hand in hand with the ritual union of the European 
Greeks went the administrative breaking up 
Achlia° e ° f °^ the Graeco-Macedonian governorship of the 
republic. It did not depend on the partition 
of the imperial administration between emperor and sen- 
ate, as this whole territory and not less the adjacent Danu- 
bian regions were assigned in the original partition to the 
senate ; as little did military considerations here intervene, 
seeing that the whole peninsula up to the frontier of 
Thrace was — as protected partly by this region, partly by 
the garrisons on the Danube — always reckoned to belong 
to the pacified interior. If the Peloponnesus and the At- 
tico-Boeotian mainland obtained at that time its own pro- 
consul and was separated from Macedonia — which perhaps 
Caesar may have already designed — it may be presumed 
that in that course, along with the general tendency not 
to magnify the senatorial governorships the dominant con- 
sideration was that of separating the purely Hellenic do- 
main from what was half-Hellenic. The boundary of the 
province of Achaia was at first Oeta, and, even after the 
Aetolians were subsequently attached to it, 1 it did not go 
beyond the Achelous and Thermopylae. 

1 The original bounds of the province are indicated by Strabo, 
xvii. 3, 25, p. 840, in the enumeration of the senatorial provinces : 
'A^am ix4xpi SerraXias Kal 'AiTcaKwv Kal 5 AKapvavajv Kal tivwv 'Hireipoo- 
Tuccot> i6vwv orra rtf MaKefioviq irpoacaptcTTo, in which case the remaining 
part of Epirus appears to be assigned to the province of Illyricum 
(reckoned here by Strabo — erroneously as regards his time — among 
the senatorial). To take uixpi inclusively is— apart from consider- 
ations of fact — unsuitable for this very reason, because according to 
the closing words the regions previously named "are assigned to 
Macedonia." Subsequently we find the Aetolians annexed to Achaia 
(Ptolem. iii. 14). That Epirus also for a time belonged to it, is pos- 
sible, not so much on account of the statement in Dio, liii. 12, which 
cannot be defended either for Augustus's time or for that of Dio, 
but because Tacitus on the year 17 {Ann. ii. 53) reckons Nicopolis 
to Achaia. But at least from the time of Trajan Epirus with Acar- 
nania forms a procuratorial province of its own (Ptolem. iii. 13 ; G. 
I. L. iii. 536; Marquardt, Stantsalth. v. 1, 331). Thessaly and all 
the country northward of Oeta constantly remained with Macedonia. 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

These arrangements concerned the country as a whole. 
mu _ , We turn now to the position which was given 

The G-reek m & 

towns under the to the several urban communities under the 

Roman republic. . 

roman Iiule. 

The original design of the Romans — to attach the whole of 
the Greek urban communities to their own commonwealth, 
in a way similar to what had been done with the Italian — had 
undergone essential restrictions, in consequence of the re- 
sistance which these arrangements met with, especially in 
consequence of the insurrection of the Achaean league in the 
year 608 (iii. 62), and of the falling away of most of the 
Greek towns to king Mithradates in the year 666 (iii. 359). 
The city-leagues, the foundation of all development of 
power in Hellas as in Italy, and at first accepted by the 
Romans, were all of them — particularly the most im- 
portant, the Peloponnesian, or, as it called itself, the 
Achaean — broken up, and the several cities were ad- 
monished to regulate their own public affairs. Moreover 
certain general rules were laid down by the leading power 
for the several communal constitutions, and according to 
this scheme these were reorganised in an anti-democratic 
sense. It was only within these limits that the individual 
community retained autonomy and a magistracy of its own. 
It retained also its own courts ; but the Greek stood at the 
same time dejure under the rods and axes of the praetor, 
and at least could be sentenced — on account of any offence 
which admitted of being regarded as rebellion against the 
leading power — by the Roman officials to a money-fine or 
banishment, or even capital punishment. 1 The communi- 

1 Nothing gives a clearer idea of the position of the Greeks in the 
last last century of the Roman republic than the letter of one of 
these governors to the Achaean community of Dyme (C. I. Or. 
1543). Because this community had given to itself laws that ran 
counter to the freedom granted in general to the Greeks (r) airotitSo- 
fievri Kara icoivbv rols "EW-qo-iv iXevdepla) and to the organisation given 
by the Romans to the Achaeans airo5o6e7<xa rois 'Axaiols virb 'Pa>yuaiW 
iroXtTtia ; probably with the co-operation of Polybius, Pausan. viii. 
30, 9), whereupon at all events tumults had arisen, the governor in- 
forms the community that he had caused the two ringleaders to be 
executed, and that a less guilty third person was exiled to Rome. 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


ties taxed themselves ; but they had throughout to pay to 
Rome a definite sum, on the whole, apparently, not on a 
high scale. Garrisons were not assigned, as formerly in 
the Macedonian period, to the towns, for the troops sta- 
tioned in Macedonia were in a position, should need arise, 
to move also into Greece. But a graver blame than that 
falling on the memory of Alexander through the destruc- 
tion of Thebes rests on the Eoman aristocracy for the raz- 
ing of Corinth. The other measures, odious and exasper- 
ating as in part they were, particularly as imposed by 
foreign rule, might, taken as a whole, be unavoidable and 
have in various respects a salutary operation ; they were 
the inevitable palinode of the original Roman policy — in 
part truly impolitic — of forgiving and forgetting towards 
the Hellenes. But in the treatment of Corinth mercantile 
selfishness had after an ill-omened fashion shown itself 
more powerful than all Philhellenism. 

Amidst all this, the fundamental idea of Roman policy — 
, .to confederate the Greek towns with the 

Freed commum- . 

ties under the Italian — was never forgotten; just as Alex- 
' ander never wished to rule Greece like Elyria 
and Egypt, so his Roman successors never completely ap- 
plied the subject-relation to Greece, and even in the re- 
publican period essentially fell short of urging the strict 
rights of the war forced upon the Romans. Especially 
was this the case in dealing with Athens. No Greek city 
from the standpoint of Roman policy erred so gravely 
against Rome as this ; its demeanour in the Mithradatic 
war would, had its case been that of any other common- 
wealth, have inevitably led to its being razed. But from 
the Philhellenic standpoint, doubtless, Athens was the 
masterpiece of the world, and for the genteel world of 
other lands similar leanings and memories were associated 
with it, as for our cultivated circles are connected with 
Pforta and Bonn. This consideration then, as formerly, 
prevailed. Athens was never placed under the fasces of 
the Roman governor, and never paid tribute to Rome ; it 
always had a sworn alliance with Rome, and granted aid 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

to the Romans only in an extraordinary and, at least as to 
form, voluntary fashion. The capitulation after the Sullan 
siege brought about doubtless a change in the constitu- 
tion of the community, but the alliance was renewed — in 
fact, even all extraneous possessions were given back, in- 
cluding the island of Delos itself, which, when Athens 
passed over to Mithradates, had broken off and constituted 
itself an independent commonwealth, and had been, by 
way of punishment for its fidelity towards Rome, pillaged 
and destroyed by the Pontic fleet. 1 

Sparta was treated with similar consideration, and that 
doubtless in good part on account of its great name. 
Some other towns of the freed communities to be after- 
wards named had this position already under the republic. 
Probably such exceptions occurred in every Roman prov- 
ince ; but this was from the outset peculiar to the Greek 
territory, that precisely its two most noted cities were 
beyond the range of the subject-relation, which accordingly 
affected only the smaller commonwealths. 

Even for the subject Greek cities alleviations were in- 
city leagues troduced already under the republic. The 
under the re- city-leagues, at first prohibited, gradually and 
very soon revived, especially the smaller and 
powerless ones, like the Boeotian ; 2 with the becoming 

1 Comp. iii. 358, 362. The Delian excavations of recent years 
have furnished the proofs that the island, after the Romans had 
once given it to Athens (ii. 3G6), remained constantly Athenian, 
and constituted itself, doubtless in consequence of the defection of 
the Athenians from Rome, as a community of the " Delians" (Bph. 
epig. v. p. 604), but already six years after the capitulation of Athens 
was again Athenian {Eph. epig. v. 184 f. ; Homolle, Bull, de corr. 
Hell viii. p. 142). 

2 Whether the tcoivbv r£u 'Axaiav, which naturally does not occur 
in the republican period proper, was reconstituted already at the 
end of it or not till after the introduction of the imperial provincial 
organisation, is doubtful. Inscriptions like the Olympian one of 
the proquaestor Q. Ancharius Q. f. {Arch. Zeitung, 1878, p. 38, n. 
114) speak rather in favour of the former supposition ; yet it cannot 
with certainty be designated as pre-Augustan. The oldest sure evi- 
dence for the existence of this union is the inscription set up by it 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


familiarised to foreign rule the oppositional tendencies 
disappeared which had brought about their abolition, and 
their close connection with the time-hallowed cultus care- 
fully spared must have further told in their favour, as in- 
deed it has already been observed that the Koman repub- 
lic restored and protected the Amphictiony in its original 
non-political functions. Towards the end of the republi- 
can period the government seems even to have allowed the 
Boeotians to enter into a collective union with the small 
regions adjacent to the north and the island of Euboea. 1 

The copestone of the republican epoch was the atonement 
for the sack of Corinth made by the greatest of all Romans 
and of all Philhellenes, the dictator Caesar (iv. 648), and 
the renewal of the star of Hellas in the form of an independ- 
ent community of Eoman citizens, the new " Julian Honour." 

These were the relations which the imperial government 
at its outset found existing in Greece, and in 
tt^empCTors! these paths it went forward. The communi- 
ties freed from the immediate interference of 
the provincial government and from the payment of trib- 
ute to the empire, with which the colonies of Roman bur- 

to Augustus in Olympia (Arcli. Zeitung, 1877, p. 36, n. 33). Per- 
haps these were arrangements of the dictator Caesar, and in con- 
nection with the governor of "Greece," — prohably the Achaia of 
the imperial period — to he met with under him (Cicero, Ad. fam. 
vi. 6, 10). — We may add that certainly also under the republic, ac- 
cording to the discretion of each governor for the time being, sev- 
eral communities might meet for a definite object by deputies and 
adopt resolutions ; as the kolv6v of the Siceliots thus decreed a statue 
to Verres (Cicero, Verr. i. 2, 46, 114), similar things must have oc- 
curred in Greece also under the republic. But the regular provin- 
cial diets with their fixed officers and priests were an institution of 
the imperial period. 

1 This is the koivov BoiwtqSv Evfioecvv AoKpcav $u>tcia>v AopteW of the 
remarkable inscription probably set up shortly before the battle of 
Actium (C. I. Att. iii. 568). We cannot possibly with Dittenberger 
{Arch. Zeitung, 1876, p. 220) refer to this league the notice of Pau- 
sanias (vii. 16, 10), that the Romans "not many years" after the 
destruction of Corinth had compassion on the Hellenes, and had 
again allowed them the provincial unions (avpeSpia Kara ZQvos e«d- 
orois ra apxaia) ', this applies to the minor individual leagues. 


Greek Europe. 

[Book VIII. 

gesses in many respects stood on a level, comprehended 
far the largest and best part of the province of Achaia : in 
the Peloponnesus, Sparta, with its territory 

Freed towns , 

and Roman diminished no doubt, but yet once more em- 
bracing the northern half of Laconia, 1 still the 
counterpart of Athens as well in its petrified, old-fashioned 
institutions as in its at least outwardly preserved organi- 
sation and bearing ; further, the eighteen communities of 
the free Laconians, the southern half of the Laconian re- 
gion, once Spartan subjects, organised by the Romans as 
an independent cities-league after the war against Nabis, 
and, like Sparta, invested with freedom by Augustus ; a 
lastly, in the region of the Achaeans not only Dyme, which 
had been already furnished by Pompeius with pirate-col- 
onists, and then had received new Eoman settlers from 
Caesar, 3 but above all Patrae, which Augustus, on account 
of its position favourable for commerce, transformed from 
a declining hamlet, — partly by drawing together the small 
surrounding townships, partly by settlement of numerous 
Italian veterans — into the most populous and most flour- 
ishing city of the peninsula, and constituted as a Roman 
burgess-colony, under which was also placed Naupactus 

1 To it belonged not merely the neighbouring Amyclae, but also 
Cardamyle (by gift of Augustus, Pausan. iii. 26, 7), Pherae (Pausan. 
iv. 30, 2), Thuria($. iv. 31, 1), and for a time also Corone (0. I. Or. 
1258 ; comp. Lebas-Foucart, ii. 305) on the Messenian gulf ; and 
further the island of Cythera (Dio, liv. 7). 

2 In the republican period this district appears as t2> noivbv rwv 
AaKedaifjLovicav (Foucart on Lebas, ii. p. 11.0); Pausanias (iii. 21, 6) is 
therefore wrong when he makes it only released from Sparta by 
Augustus. But they term themselves 'EXevdepoXdnaves only from 
the time of Augustus and the bestowal of their freedom is there- 
fore justly traced to him. 

3 There are coins of this city with the legend c[olonia] l\uU(i\ 
D[ume] and the head of Caesar, others with the legend c\olonia] 
I[uUa] A[ugusta] Dum[e] and the head of Augustus along with 
that of Tiberius (Imhoof-Blumer, Monnaies grecques, p. 165). That 
Augustus assigned Dyme to the colony of Patrae, is probably an 
error of Pausanias (vii. 17, 5) ; it remains indeed possible that 
Augustus in his later years ordained this union. 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


(the Italian Lepanto) on the opposite Locrian coast. On 
the Isthmus Corinth, as it had formerly become a victim 
to the advantages of its site, had now after its restora- 
tion rapidly risen, similarly to Carthage, and had become 
the richest in industry and in population of the cities of 
Greece, as well as the regular seat of government. As 
the Corinthians were the first Greeks who had recog- 
nised the Eomans as countrymen by admission to the Isth- 
mian games (ii. 93), so this town now, although a Koman 
burgess-community, took charge of this high Greek na- 
tional festival. On the mainland there belonged to the 
freed districts not merely Athens, with its territory em- 
bracing all Attica and numerous islands of the Aegean 
Sea, but also Tanagra and Thespiae, at that time the two 
most considerable towns of the Boeotian country, as also 
Plataeae ; 1 in Phocis Delphi, Abae, Elateia, as well as the 
most considerable of the Locrian towns, Amphissa. What 
the republic had begun Augustus completed in the ar- 
rangement just set forth, which was at least in its main 
outlines settled by him and was afterwards in substance 
maintained. Although the communities of the province 
subject to the proconsul preponderated, certainly as to 
number, and perhaps also as to the aggregate population, 
yet in a genuinely Philhellenic spirit the towns of Greece 
most distinguished by material importance or by great 
memories were set free. 2 

1 This is shown, at least for the time of Pius, by the African in- 
scription G. I. L. viii. 7059 (comp. Plutarch, Arist. 21). The ac- 
counts of authors as to the freed communities give no guarantee at 
all for the completeness of the list. Probably Elis also belonged to 
them, which was not affected by the catastrophe of the Achaeans, 
and even subsequently dated still by Olympiads, not by the era of 
the province ; besides, it is incredible that the town of the Olympic 
festival should not have had the best of legal rights. 

2 This is pointedly expressed by Aristides in the panegyric on 
Rome p. 224 Jebb : SiareAelre ru>u jjXv 'EWrjvwu &<nrep rpo<pe<av iirifxe- 
Xofxevoi . . . rovs (jlsv aplo-rovs Kal irahai ^ye/novas (Athens and 
Sparta) iAevBepovs Kal avrov6/j.ovs a.(peiK6res avruv, rwu 8' aKXwv nerp'iws 

i£riyovu€vot. rovs Se fiafQdpovs irpbs knaarois avruv ovaav 

• 284 

Greek Eurojpe. 

[Book VIII. 

The last emperor of the Claudian house, one of the race 

of spoiled poets and so far at all events a born 
tion°of Greece. Philhellene, went further than Augustus had 

gone in this direction. In gratitude for the 
recognition which his artistic contributions had met with 
in the native land of the Muses Nero, like Titus Flamini- 
nus formerly (ii. 293) — and that once more in Corinth at 
the Isthmian games — declared the Greeks collectively to 
be rid of Koman government, free from tribute, and, like 
the Italians, subject to no governor. At once there arose 
throughout Greece movements, which would have been 
civil wars, if these people could have achieved anything 
more than brawling ; and after a few months Vespasian re- 
established the provincial constitution, 1 so far as it went, 
with the dry remark that the Greeks had unlearned the 
art of being free. 

The legal position of the communities set free remained 

in substance the same as under the republic. 
frSdtown? 6 Tne y retained, so far as Eoman burgesses 

were not in question, the full control of jus- 
tice ; only, the general enactments as to appeals to the em- 
peror on the one hand and to the senatorial authorities 
on the other seem to have also included the free towns.' 2 

1 But the Hellenic literati remained grateful to their colleague 
and patron. In the Apollonius-romance (v. 41) the great sage from 
Cappadocia refuses Vespasian the honour of his company, because 
he had made the Hellenes slaves, just as they were on the point of 
again speaking Ionic or Doric, and writes to him various billets of 
delectable coarseness. A man of Soloi, who broke his neck and then 
became alive again, and on this occasion saw all that Dante beheld, 
reported that he had met with Nero's soul, into which the agents of 
the world-judgment had driven naming nails, and were employed 
in turning it into a viper; but a heavenly voice had interposed, and 
ordered them to transform the man— on account of his Philhellen- 
ism when on earth — into a less repulsive animal (Plutarch, Be sera 
num. mnd. , at the end). 

2 At least in the ordinance of Hadrian regarding the deliveries of 
oil to the community incumbent on the Athenian landowners (G. I. 
A. iii. 18), the decision was indeed given to the Boule and the Ek- 
Jclesia t but appeal to the emperor or the proconsul was allowed. 

Chap. VII. J Greek Europe. 285 

Above all, they retained full self-determination and self- 
administration. Athens, for example, exercised in the im- 
perial period the right of coinage, without even putting 
the emperor's head on its coins, and even on Spartan coins 
of the first imperial period it is frequently wanting. In 
Athens even the old reckoning by drachmae and oboli con- 
tinued ; only that, it is true, the local Attic drachma of this 
period was nothing but small money current on the spot, 
and as to value circulated as obolus of the Attic imperial 
drachma or of the Roman denarius. Even the formal exer- 
cise of the right of war and peace was in individual treaties 
granted to such states.' Numerous institutions quite at 
variance with the Italian municipal organisation remained 
in existence, such as the annual change of the members of 
council and the daily allowance-moneys of these and the 
jurymen, which, at least at Rhodes, were still paid in the 
imperial period. As a matter of course, the Roman gov- 
ernment nevertheless exercised continuously a regulative 
influence over the constitution even of the freed communi- 
ties. Thus, for example, the Athenian constitution was, 
whether at the end of the republic or by Caesar or Augus- 
tus, modified in such a way that the right of bringing a 
proposal before the burgesses belonged no longer to every 
burgess, but, as according to the Roman arrangement, only 
to definite officials ; and among the great number of offi- 
cials, who were mere figures, the conduct of business was 
placed in the hands of a single one — the Strategos. Cer- 
tainly in this way various further reforms were carried out, 
the presence of which, in dependent as in independent 
Greece, we everywhere discern, without being able to de- 
termine the time and occasion of the reform. Thus the 
right, or rather the wrong, of asylums, which, as survivals 
of a lawless period, had now become pious retreats for 

1 What Strabo reports (xiv. 3, 3, p. 665) of the Lycian cities- 
league, in his time autonomous — that it had not the right of war and 
peace and that of alliance, except when the Romans allowed it or it 
operated for their advantage — may probably be, without ceremony, 
held to relate also to Athens. 


Greek Eurojpe. [Book VIII. 

bad debtors and criminals, was certainly, if not set aside, 
at least restricted in this province also. The institution of 
proxenia — originally an appropriate arrangement, that may 
be compared to our foreign consulates, but politically dan- 
gerous through the bestowal of full civil rights and often 
also of the privilege of exemption from taxes on the friend- 
ly foreigner, especially considering the extent to which it 
was granted — was set aside by the Eoman government, 
apparently only at the beginning of the imperial period ; 
in room of which thereupon came, after the Italian fashion, 
the empty city-patronage, which did not come into contact 
with the system of taxation. Lastly, the Koman govern- 
ment, as wielding supreme sovereignty over these depen- 
dent republics just as over the client-princes, always re- 
garded it as its right, and exercised the power, to cancel 
the free constitution in case of misuse, and to take the 
town into its own administration. But partly the sworn 
agreement, partly the powerlessness of these nominally al- 
lied states, gave to these treaties a greater stability than 
is discernible in the relation to the client-princes. 

While the freed communities of Achaia retained their 

previous legal position under the empire, Au- 
Greek cities. gustus conferred on those communities of the 

province, in which freedom was not granted 
or possessed, a new and better legal position. As he had 
given to the Greeks of Europe a common centre in the re- 
organised Delphic Amphictiony, he allowed also all the 
towns of the province of Achaia, so far as they were placed 
under Roman administration, to constitute themselves as 
a collective union, and to meet annually in Argos, the 
most considerable town of non-free Greece, as a national 
assembly. 1 Thereby not merely was the Achaean league, 

1 At all events the hitherto known presidents of the Koivbv rwv 
'Axotii/, whose home is made out, are from Argos, Messene, Corone 
in Messenia (Foucart-Lebas, ii. 305), and there have been hitherto 
found among them not merely no citizens of the freed communities, 
such as Athens and Sparta, but also none of those belonging to the 
confederation of the Boeotians and allies (p. 281). Perhaps this 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


dissolved after the Achaean war, reconstituted, but also 
the enlarged Boeotian union formerly mentioned (p. 281) 
was engrafted on it. Probably it was just by the laying 
together of these two domains that the demarcation of the 
province of Achaia was brought about. The new union of 
the Achaeans, Boeotians, Locrians, Phocians, Dorians, and 
Euboeans, 1 or, as it is usually designated like the province, 
the union of the Achaeans, presumably had rights neither 
more nor less than the other provincial diets of the empire. 
A certain control of the Roman officials must have been 
intended in the case, and for that reason the towns not 
placed under the proconsul, like Athens and Sparta, must 

koiv6v was legally restricted to the territory, which the Romans 
called the republic of Achaia — that is, that of the Achaean league at 
its overthrow — and the Boeotians and allies were united with the 
koivSv proper of the Achaeans into that wider league, whose exist- 
ence and diets in Argos are vouched for by the inscriptions of Acrae- 
phia mentioned in the next note. We may add that alongside of 
this kolv6v of the Achaeans there subsisted a still narrower one of 
the district of Achaia in the proper sense, whose representatives met 
in Aegium (Pausanias, vii. 24, 4), just as the Koivbv rwv 'KpicaSuv 
{Arch. Zeit. 1879, p. 139, n. 274), and numerous others. If, ac- 
cording to Pausanias, v. 12, 6, ol naures ''EWrjves set up statues in 
Olympia to Trajan, and al is rb 'Axaacbv reXovaai irSAeis to Hadrian, 
and no misunderstanding has here crept in, the latter dedication 
must have taken place at the diet of Aegium. 

1 So (only that the Dorians are wanting ; comp. p. 281, note 1) the 
union is termed on the inscription of Acraephia (Keil, Syll. Inscr. 
Boeot. n. 31). But this very document, along with the contempo- 
rary one, C. 1. Or. 1625, furnishes a proof that the union under the 
emperor Gaius, instead of this doubtless strictly official appellation, 
designated itself also on the one hand as union of the Achaeans, on 
the other as rb Koivbv ruu HavtAhijvoov, or rf avvoSos r(av 'EAA-fjvoov, also 
rb rcDf 'Axaiwi/ Kal T\aveKki}v(t)v avvedpiov. This grandiloquence is no- 
where so glaringly prominent as in those Boeotian petty country- 
towns ; but even in Olympia, where the union especially set up its 
memorials, it names itself for the most part no doubt rb Koivbu ra>i> 
'Axaiuv, but shows often enough the same tendency ; e.g. when rb 
itoivbv toov 'Axaicov II. AtAiov "'Apiarwva. • • • avviravres ol "EAArjves 
aveo-T-qo-av {Arch. Zeit. 1880, p. 86, n. 344). So too in Sparta, ol 
"EAXyves set up a statue to Caesar Marcus airb tou kolvov t&v 'A^oiccj/ 
(G. I. Gr. 1318). 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

have been excluded from it. This diet withal, like all sim- 
ilar ones, must have found the centre of its activity chiefly 
in the common cultus embracing the whole land. But, 
while in the other provinces this cultus of the land pre- 
ponderantly attached itself to Rome, the diet of Achaia 
was rather a focus of Hellenism, and was perhaps meant 
to be so. Already under the Julian emperors it regarded 
itself as the true representative of the Greek nation, and 
assigned to its president the name of Helladarch, to itself 
even that of "the Panhellenes." 1 The assembly thus de- 
viated from its provincial basis, and its modest administra- 
tive functions fell into the background. 

These Panhellenes therefore took to themselves this 

name by an abuse of language, and were sim- 
nion of Hadrian ply .tolerated by the government. But as 

Hadrian created a new Athens, so he created 
also a new Hellas. Under him the representatives of all 
the autonomous or non-autonomous towns of the province 
of Achaia were allowed to constitute themselves in Athens 
as united Greece, as the Panhellenes.* The national union, 

1 In Asia, Bithynia, lower Moesia, the president of the Greek 
towns belonging to the province is also called 'EWaSdpxv^ without 
more being thereby expressed than the contrast with the non-Greeks. 
But, as the name of Hellenes is employed in Greece in a certain 
contrast to the strictly correct one of Achaeans, -this is certainly sug- 
gested by the same tendency which was most clearly marked in the 
Panhellenes of Argos. Thus we find arpar-rj-ybs rod kolvov twv 'Axaiwv 
Koi Trpoa-Tarns 5ia /3i'ou t&v 'eaatjjw (Arch. Zeit. 1877, p. 192, n. 98), 
or on another document of the same man irpoa'Tdrrjs 5/a filov rod koivov 
t£)v y hxaiS>v (Lebas-Foucart, n. 305) ; an &p£as ro'ts "EWrjcriv avvtraaiv 
{Arch. Zeit. p. 195, n. 106) arpar^ybs acrvi/Kplrcos &p£as rrjs ' EAAaSo? 
(St. 1877, p. 40, n. 42) <rrparr]ybs kcu 'EKAaSdpxys (ib'. 1876, n. 8, p. 
226), all likewise on inscriptions of the noivbu rwv 'AxaicDr. That in 
this koiv6v, though it may perhaps be deemed to refer merely to the 
Peloponnesus (p. 286, note), the Panhellenic tendency none the 
less asserted itself, may well be conceived. 

2 The Hadrianic Panhellenes name themselves rb tcoivbv avv&piov 
twp 'EAA-hvwv tQiv els UXariqa^ ctvul6vtuiu (Thebes: Keil, Syll. Inscr. 
Boeot. n. 31, comp. Plutarch, Arist. 19, 21); Koivbv rrjs 'EWdSos (C. 
/. CiV. 5852) ; rb> UaveW^viov (ib.). Its president is termed 6 &pxcou 
twv Uuve\\i\vwv (C. I A. iii. 681 f 682 ; 0. L Or f 3832, comp. (J. I. 

Chap. VII.] Greek Europe. 289 

often dreamed of and never attained in better times, was 
thereby created, and what youth had wished for old age 
possessed in imperial fulness. It is true that the new Pan- 
hellenion did not obtain political prerogatives ; but there 
was no lack of what imperial favour and imperial gold could 
give. There arose in Athens the temple of the new Zeus 
Panhellenios, and brilliant popular festivals and games were 
connected with this foundation, the carrying out of which 
pertained to the collegium of the Panhellenes, and primarily 
to the priest of Hadrian as the living god who founded them. 
One of the acts, which these performed every year, was the 
offering of sacrifice to Zeus the Deliverer at Plataeae, in 
memory of the Hellenes that fell there in battle against the 
Persians, on the anniversary of the battle, the 4th Boedro- 
mion : this marks its tendency. 1 Still more clearly was 
this shown in the fact that the Greek towns outside of 
Hellas, which appeared worthy of the national fellowship, 
had ideal certificates of Hellenism issued to them by the 
assembly in Athens. 2 

A. iii. 10 : a|Vr]apx<»»' toD Upmarov a[ya>vos rov U]av[€X]\7)vlov), the 
individual deputy naveWrjv (e.g. G. I. A. iii. 534; G. I. Gr. 1124). 
Alongside of these in the period subsequent to Hadrian the Koivbv 
tS)v 'Axaiwv and its (TTpa-T-qyos or 'EAAaSapx 7 ? 5 still occur, who are 
probably to be distinguished from those just mentioned, although 
the latter now sets up his honorary decrees not merely in Olympia, 
but also in Athens (G. I. A. 18 ; second example in Olympia, Arch. 
Zeit. 1879, p. 52). 

1 That the remark of Dio of Prusa, Or. xxxviii. p. 148 R. , as to 
the dispute of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians vir\p rrjs trpo- 
iro/ATreias, refers to the festival at Plataeae, is evident from (Lucian) 
EpooTfs 18, w? 7repl irpoirofx.Trelas ayooviov/xcvoi XlXaraiaffiv. The sophist 
Irenaeus also wrote irepl tt)? 'Ad^vaicay TrpoTTOfxtreias (Suidas, s.v.), and 
Hermogenes, de ideis, ii. p. 373. Walz gives as the topic spoken of 
'Adr]va?oL koI AaKedaifiSvioi irepl tt)s irpoiro/XTrdas kotoi to MyStica (com- 
munication from Wilamowitz). 

2 Two of these are preserved, for Cibyra in Phrygia (G. I. Gr. 
5882), issued from the Koivhv rrjs 'EWddus by a SSy/ua rod T\.aveKK-r\vlov ; 
and for Magnesia on the Maeander (G. I. Att. iii. 16). In both the 
good Hellenic descent of the corporations concerned is brought out 
along with their other services to the Hellenes. Characteristic are 
also the letters of recommendation, with which these Panhellenes 



Greek Europe. 

[Book VIII. 

While the imperial rule in its whole wide range encoun- 
tered the devastations of a twenty years' civil 
HeUa d s ecay ° f war > an ^ i n man y places its consequences were 
never entirely healed, probably no domain 
was so severely affected by them as the Greek peninsula. 
Fate had so arranged, that the three great decisive battles 
of this epoch — Pharsalus, Philippi, Actium — were fought 
on its soil or on its coast ; and the military operations, 
which with both parties led up to these battles, had here 
above all demanded their sacrifices of human life and hu- 
man happiness. Even Plutarch was told by his great- 
grandfather how the officers of Antonius had compelled the 
citizens of Chaeronea, when they no longer possessed slaves 
or beasts of burden, to drag their last grain on their own 
shoulders to the nearest port to be shipped for the army ; 
and how thereupon, just as the second convoy was about 
to depart, the accounts of the battle of Actium arrived as 
glad news of relief. The first thing that Caesar did after 
the victory was to distribute the enemy's stores of grain 
that had fallen into his power among the famishing popu- 
lation of Greece. This heaviest measure of suffering fell 
upon a specially weak yjower G f resistance, 
popiiationf the Already, more than a century before the bat- 
tle of Actium, Polybius had stated that un- 
fruitfulness in marriage and diminution of the population 
had in his time come over all Greece, without any diseases 
or severe wars befalling the land. Now these scourges 
had emerged in fearful fashion ; and Greece remained 
desolate for all time to come. Plutarch thinks that 
throughout the Eoman empire the population had fallen 
off in consequence of the devastating wars, but most of all 
in Greece, which was not now in a position to furnish 
from the better circles of the citizens the 3,000 hoplites, 
with which once the smallest of the Greek districts, Me- 

furnish a man who had merited well of their commonwealth to 
the community of his home Aezani in Phrygia, to the emperor 
Pius, and to the Hellenes in Asia generally (G. I. Or. 3832, 3833, 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


gara, had fought at Plataeae. 1 Caesar and Augustus had 
attempted to remedy this depopulation, which alarmed 
even the government, by the despatch of Italian colonists, 
and, in fact, the two most flourishing towns of Greece 
were these very colonies ; the later governments did not re- 
peat such consignments. The background to the charm- 
ing Euboean peasant-idyll of Dio of Prusa is formed by a 
depopulated town, in which numerous houses stand empty, 
flocks are fed at the council-hall and at the city regis- 
ter-house, two-thirds of the territory lie untilled for want 
of hands ; and when the narrator reports this as falling 
within his own experience, he therewith assuredly describes 
not unaptly the circumstances of numerous small Greek 
country towns in the time of Trajan. "Thebes in Boeo- 
tia," says Strabo in the Augustan age, "is now hardly to 
be termed even a goodly village, and the same holds true 
of all the Boeotian towns, with the exception of Tanagra 
and Thespiae." But not merely did men dwindle away as 
regards number; the type also declined. "There are 
doubtless still beautiful women," says one of the finest ob- 
servers about the end of the first century, 2 " but beautiful 
men one sees no longer ; the Olympian victors of more 
recent times appear, compared with the older, inferior and 
common, partly no doubt owing to the fault of the artists, 
but chiefly because they are just what they are." The 
bodily training of the youth had been carried in this prom- 
ised land of ephebi and athletes to such an extent, as if 
the very aim of the communal constitution were to rear 
the boys as tilters and the men as boxers ; but, if no prov- 
ince possessed so many artists for the ring, none supplied 

1 Beyond doubt Plutarch in these words (de defectu orac. 8) does 
not mean to say that Greece was not able at all to furnish 3,000 men 
capable of arms, but that, if burgess-armies of the old sort were to 
be formed, they would not be in a position to set on foot 3, 000 
" hoplites." In this sense the expression may well be correct, so 
far as correctness can be expected at all in the case of general com- 
plaints of this sort. The number of communities of the province 
amounted nearly to a hundred. 

2 [Dio, Or at. xxi. 501 K.] 


Greek Europe. 

[Book VIII. 

so few soldiers to the imperial army. Even from the in- 
struction of the Athenian youth — which in the olden time 
embraced spear-throwing, shooting with the bow, the use 
of missiles, the marching out and pitching of the camp — 
this playing at soldiers on the part of the boys now disap- 
pears. The Greek towns of the empire were virtually not 
taken account of in the levy, whether because their recruits 
appeared physically incapable, or because this element ap- 
peared dangerous in the army ; it was an imperial pleas- 
antry that the caricature of Alexander, Severus Antoninus, 
reinforced the Koman army for the conflict with the Per- 
sians by some companies of Spartiates. 1 Whatever was 
done for internal order and security must have emanated 
from the individual communities, as Roman troops were 
not stationed in the province ; Athens, for example, main- 
tained a garrison in the island of Delos, and probably a 
division of militia lay also in the citadel. 2 In the crises of 
the third century the general levy of Elateia (p. 262) and 
that of Athens (p. 266) valiantly repulsed the Costoboci 
and the Goths ; and, after a worthier fashion than the 
grandchildren of the combatants of Thermopylae in Cara- 
calla's Persian war, in the Gothic the grandchildren of the 
victors of Marathon inscribed their names for the last time 
in the annals of ancient history. But, though such inci- 
dents must preclude us from treating the Greeks of this 
epoch absolutely as a decayed rabble, yet the decline of 
the population as regards number and vigour steadily con- 
tinued even during the better imperial period, until, from 
the end of the second century, the diseases which severely 
visited these lands, likewise the inroads of land and sea 
pirates who particularly affected the east coast, and lastly, 
the collapse of the imperial power in the time of. Gal- 

1 This is told to us by Ilerodian, iv. 8, 3, c. 9, 4, and we have the 
inscriptions of two of these Spartiates, Nicocles, i<rrpaT€v/.i4vos 51s 
Kara Ucpawv (G I. Or. 1253), and Dioscoras, ane\6cbv ets T7]U euTvxe- 
ffrdrrjv (TVfXfxaxiav(= expeditio) tt]v Kara Ylep(rS>v (C. I. Or. 1495). 

2 The <pp6vpiov (G. I. A, iii. 82G) cannot well be understood other- 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


lienus, raised the chronic suffering into an acute catastro- 

The decay of Hellas, and the feelings which it called 
forth among the best men, come before us 
Sifng!° ne ° f after a striking manner in the appeal which 
one of these, the Bithynian Dio, addressed 
about the time of Vespasian to the Ehodians. These 
were not unjustly regarded as the most excellent of the 
Hellenes. In no city were the lower population better 
cared for, and nowhere did that care bear more the stamp 
of giving not alms but work. When, after the great civil 
war, Augustus made all private debts irrecoverable at law 
in the East, the Ehodians alone rejected the dangerous 
favour. Although the great epoch of Ehodian commerce 
was over, there were still in Ehodes numerous flourish- 
ing branches of business and wealthy houses. 1 But many 
evils had invaded the place, and the philosopher demands 
that they be done away, not so much, as he says, for 
the sake of the Ehodians, as for the sake of the Hellenes 
in common. "Once upon a time the honour of Hellas 
rested on many, and many increased its renown — you, the 
Athenians, the Lacedaemonians, Thebes, Corinth for a 
time, at a remote period Argos. But now the others are 
as nothing ; for some are totally decayed and destroyed, 
others conduct themselves as you know, and are dis- 
honoured and destroyers of their old renown. You are 
surviving ; you alone are still somewhat and are not utterly 
despised ; for, after the way in which those go to work, 

1 "You have no want of means," says Dio (Or. xxxi. p. 566), 
1 ' and there are thousands upon thousands here, for whom it would 
be advantageous to be less rich; " and further on (p. 620), "you 
are richer than any one else in Hellas. Your ancestors possessed 
not more than you do. The island has not become worse; you 
draw the profit of Caria and a part of Lycia ; a number of towns 
are tributary to you ; the city is always receiving rich gifts from 
numerous citizens." He further states that new expenses had not 
been added, but the earlier outlays for army and fleet had almost 
fallen into abeyance ; they had to supply annually at Corinth (and 
so to the Roman fleet) but one or two small vessels. 


Greek Europe. 

[Book VIII. 

all Hellenes would long ago have sunken more deeply than 
the Phrygians and the Thracians. As when a great and 
noble family is summed up in one survivor, and the sin 
which this last of the house commits brings all his ances- 
tors into dishonour, so you stand in Hellas. Believe not 
that you are the first of the Greeks ; you are the only 
ones. If we look at those pitiful scoundrels, the great 
destinies of the past become themselves inconceivable ; 
the stones and ruins of cities show more clearly the pride 
and the greatness of Hellas than these descendants not 
even worthy of Mysian ancestors ; and better than with 
towns inhabited by such as these has it fared with those 
cities which lie in ruins, for their memory remains in 
honour and their well-acquired renown unstained — better 
burn the carcase than allow it to lie rotting." 1 

We shall not disparage this noble spirit of a scholar who 
measured the petty present by the great past, 
manner^ ° W ' an ^, as could not fail to be the case, looked at 
the one with indignant eyes and at the other 
in the transfigured glory of what had been, if we point 
out the fact that the good old Hellenic habits were at that 
time and even long afterwards not merely to be found in 
Khodes, but were in many respects still everywhere alive. 
The inward independence, the well warranted self-esteem 
of the nation that was still standing at the head of civilisa- 
tion had not disappeared in the Hellenes even of this age, 
amidst all the pliancy of subjection and all the humility of 
parasitism. The Romans borrowed the gods from the 
old Hellenes and the form of administration from the 
Alexandrines ; they sought to master the Greek language 
and to Hellenise their own in measure and style. The 
Hellenes even of the imperial period did not pursue a like 
course ; the national deities of Italy, like Silvan us and the 
Lares, were not adored in Greece, and it never entered 
into the mind of any Greek urban community to introduce 
at home the political organisation which their Polybius 

1 [Dio, Orat. xxxi. 649, 650. J 

CnAP. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


celebrates as the best. So far as the knowledge of Latin 
was a condition for the career of the higher as of the 
lower magistracies, the Greeks who entered upon this 
career acquired it ; for, though practically it only occurred 
to the emperor Claudius to withdraw the Koman franchise 
from the Greeks who did not understand Latin, certainly 
the real execution of the rights and duties connected with 
it was possible only for one who was master of the im- 
perial language. But, apart from public life, Latin was 
never so learned in Greece as Greek in Eome. Plutarch, 
who, as an author, joined as it were in marriage the two 
halves of the empire, and whose parallel biographies of 
famous Greeks and Eomans recommended themselves and 
were effective above all by this juxtaposition, understood 
not very much more of Latin than Diderot of Eussian, 
and at least, as he himself says, did not master the lan- 
guage ; the Greek literati having a real command of Latin 
were either officials, like Appian and Dio Cassius, or neu- 
trals, like king Juba. 

Eeally Greece was far less changed in itself than in its 
external position. The government of Athens was truly 
bad, but even in the time of Athenian greatness it had not 
been at all exemplary. "There is," says Plutarch, "the 
same national type, the same disorders, earnest and jest, 
charm and malice, as among their ancestors." This epoch, 
too, still exhibits in the life of the Greek people individ- 
ual features which are worthy of its civilising leadership. 
The gladiatorial games, which spread from Italy every- 
where, especially to Asia Minor and to Syria, found ad- 
mission to Greece latest of all lands ; for a considerable 
period they were confined to the half-Italian Corinth, and 
when the Athenians, in order not to be behind that city, 
introduced them also among themselves without listening 
to the voice of one of their best men, who asked them 
whether they might not first set up an altar to the God 
of compassion, several of the noblest turned indignantly 
away from the city of their fathers that so dishonoured 
itself. In no country of the ancient world were slaves 


Greek Europe. 

[Book VIII. 

treated with such humanity as in Hellas ; it was not the 
law, but custom that forbade the Greek to sell his slaves 
to a non-Greek master, and so banished from this region 
the slave-trade proper. Only here in the imperial period 
do we find the non-free people provided for in the bur- 
gess-feasts and in largesses of oil to the burgesses. 1 Only 
here could one who was not free, like Epictetus under 
Trajan, in his more than modest outward existence in the 
Epirot Mcopolis, hold intercourse with respected men of 
senatorial rank, after the manner of Socrates with Critias 
and Alcibiades, so that they listened to his oral instruc- 
tions as disciples to the master, and took notes of, and 
published, his conversations. The alleviations of slavery 
by the imperial law are essentially traceable to the influ- 
ence of Greek views, e.g. with the emperor Marcus, who 
looked up to that Nicopolitan slave as his master and 

The author of a dialogue preserved among those of 
Parallel between ^ucian gi yes an unsurpassed description of 
Roman and the demeanour of the polished Athenian citi- 

Athenian life. . . 

zen, amidst his narrow circumstances, over- 
against the genteel and rich travelling public of doubt- 
ful culture or else undoubted coarseness ; how the rich 
foreigner has been weaned from appearing in the public 
bath with a host of attendants, as if he were not otherwise 
certain of his life in Athens and there were no peace in 
the land ; and how he was weaned from showing himself 
on the street with his purple dress by people making the 
friendly inquiry whether it was not that of his mamma. 
He draws a parallel between Roman and Athenian exist- 
ence ; in the former the burdensome banquets and the 

1 At the popular festivals, which in Tiberius's time a rich man 
gave at Acraephia in Boeotia, he invited the grown-up slaves, and 
his wife the female slaves, as guests along with the free (G. I. Or. 
1625). In an endowment for the distribution of oil at the fencing- 
institute (yv/j.vd<nov) of Gytheion in Laconia it is ordained that on 
six days in the year the slaves should also partake in it (Lebas- 
Foucart n. 243a). Similar largesses occur in Argos (O. I. Gr. 1122, 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


still more burdensome brothels, the inconvenient conveni- 
ence of the swarms of menials and the domestic luxury, 
the troubles of a dissolute life, the torments of ambition, 
all the superfluity, the multifariousness, the unrest of the 
doings of the capital ; in the latter the charm of poverty, 
the free talk in the friendly circle, the leisure for in- 
tellectual enjoyment, the possibility of peace and of joy in 
life — "How couldest thou," one Greek in Rome asks an- 
other, "leave the light of the sun, Hellas, and its happi- 
ness and its freedom for the sake of this crowd ? " In 
this fundamental keynote all the more finely and purely 
organised natures of this epoch are agreed ; the very best 
Hellenes would rather not exchange with the Romans. 
There is hardly anything equally pleasing in the literature 
of the imperial period with the already mentioned Euboean 
idyll of Dio ; it depicts the existence of two families of 
hunters in the lonely forest, whose property consists of 
eight goats, a cow without a horn, and a fine calf, four 
sickles and three hunting-spears, who know nothing either 
of gold or of taxes, and who, when placed before the raging 
burgess-assembly of the city, are by the latter dismissed 
at length unmolested to joy and to freedom. 

The real embodiment of this poetically transfigured 
conception of life is Plutarch of Chaeronea, 

Plutarch. r . . 

one of the most charming, most fully informed, 
and withal most effective writers of antiquity. Sprung 
from a family of means in that small Boeotian country- 
town, and introduced to the full Hellenic culture, first at 
home and then at Athens and at Alexandria ; familiar, 
moreover, with Roman affairs through his studies and 
manifold personal relations, as well as by his travels in 
Italy, he disdained to enter into the service of the state or 
to adopt the professional career after the usual manner of 
gifted Greeks ; he remained faithful to his home, enjoying 
domestic life, in the finest sense of the word, with his excel- 
lent wife and his children, and with his friends, male and 
female ; contenting himself with the offices and honours 
which his own Boeotia was able to offer to him, and with 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

the moderate property which he had inherited. In this 
Chaeronean the contrast between the Hellenes and the 
Hellenised finds expression ; such a type of Greek life 
was not possible in Smyrna or in Antioch ; it belonged to 
the soil like the honey of Hymettus. There were men 
enough of more powerful talents and of deeper natures, 
but hardly any second author has known in so happy a 
measure how to reconcile himself serenely to necessity, 
and how to impress upon his writings the stamp of his 
tranquillity of spirit and his blessedness of life. 

The self-mastery of Hellenism cannot manifest itself 
Misgovemment m the field of public life with the purity and 
cLlaZTniSm- beauty which it presents in the quiet home- 
tion - stead, after which history happily does not 

inquire any more than it inquires after .history. When 
we turn to public affairs, there is more to be told of mis- 
rule than of rule, both as regards the Roman government 
and the Greek autonomy. There was no want of good- 
will on the part of the former, in so far as Roman Phil- 
hellenism dominated the imperial period even much more 
decidedly than the republican. It expresses itself every- 
where in great matters as in small, in the prosecution of the 
Hellenising of the Eastern provinces and the recognition 
of a double official language for the empire, as well as in 
the courteous forms in which the government dealt, and 
enjoined its officials to deal, even with the pettiest Greek 
community. 1 Nor did the emperors fail to favour this 

1 In answer to one of the numerous complaints, with which the 
towns of Asia Minor plagued the government on account of their 
disputes as to titles and rank, Pius tells the Ephesians (Wadding- 
ton, Aristide, p. 51), that he was glad to hear, that the Perga- 
menes had given to them the new title ; that the Smyrnaeans had 
doubtless merely by accident omitted it, and would certainly in 
future be ready to do what was correct, if they — the Ephesians — 
would accord to them their right titles. To a small Lycian town, 
which applied to the proconsul for the confirmation of a resolution 
adopted by it, the latter replied (Benndorf, Lykische Reise, i. 71), 
that excellent ordinances require only praise, not confirmation ; the 
latter is implied in the case. The rhetorical schools of this epoch 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


province with gifts and buildings ; and, though most 
things of this sort came to Athens, Hadrian at any rate 
constructed a great aqueduct for the benefit of Corinth, 
and Pius the hospital at Epidaurus. But the considerate 
treatment of the Greeks in general, and the special kind- 
ness which was shown by the imperial government to 
Hellas proper, because it was accounted in a certain sense 
as, like Italy, " motherland," did not redound to the 
true benefit either of the government or of the country. 
The annual changes of the chief magistrates, and the re- 
miss control of the central position, made all the sena- 
torial provinces, so far as rule by governors went, feel 
rather the oppression than the blessing of unity of ad- 
ministration, and doubly so in proportion to their small- 
ness and their poverty. Even under Augustus himself 
these evils prevailed to such a degree that it was one 
of the first acts of the reign of his successor to take 
Greece as well as Macedonia into his own power, 1 as it 
was alleged, temporarily, but in fact for the whole dura- 
tion of his reign. It was very constitutional, but perhaps 
not quite so wise on the part of the emperor Claudius, 
when he came to power, that he re-established the old ar- 
rangement. Thenceforward the matter remained on this 
footing, and Achaia was administered by magistrates not 
nominated, but chosen by lot, till this form of administra- 
tion fell altogether into abeyance. 

furnished also the draughtsmen for the imperial chancery ; but 
this alone mattered little. It belonged to the esssence of the prin- 
cipate not to accentuate outwardly the subject-relation, and espe- 
cially not against the Greeks. 

1 A formal alteration of the tax organisation does not follow of 
itself from this change, and is not hinted at in Tacitus, Ann. i. 
76 ; if the arrangement was made because the provincials com- 
plained of the pressure of taxation (onera deprecantes), better gov- 
ernors might help the provinces by suitable redistribution, and 
eventually by procuring remission. That the furtherance of the 
imperial postal service was felt specially in this province as an 
oppressive burden is shown by the edict of Claudius from Tegea 
(Ephem. ep. v. p. 69). 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

But the case was far worse with the communities of 
Greece exempted from the rule of the govern- 

Misgovernment ™ . „ „ , , 

of the free or. The design oi favouring these common- 
wealths — by freeing them from tribute and 
levy, and not less by the slightest possible restriction of 
the rights of the sovereign state — led at least in many 
cases to the opposite result. The intrinsic falseness of the 
institutions avenged itself. No doubt among the less priv- 
ileged or better administered communities the communal 
autonomy may have fulfilled its aim ; at least we do not 
learn that Sparta, Corinth, Patrae fared specially ill in 
this respect. But Athens was not made for 
oYAthen?.^ 1011 self-administration, and affords the disheart- 
ening picture of a commonwealth pampered 
by the supreme power, and financially as well as moral- 
ly ruined. By rights it ought to have found itself in a 
flourishing condition. If the Athenians were unsuccess- 
ful in uniting the nation under their hegemony, this city 
was the only one in Greece, as in Italy, which carried out 
completely the union of its territory : no city of antiquity 
elsewhere possessed a domain of its own, such as was 
Attica, of about 700 square miles, double the size of the 
island of Riigen. But even beyond Attica they retained 
what they possessed, as well after the Mithradatic war 
by favour of Sulla, as after the Pharsalian battle, in which 
they had taken the side of Pompeius, by the favour of 
Caesar — he asked them only how often they would still 
ruin themselves and trust to be saved by the renown of 
their ancestors. To the city there still belonged not 
merely the territory, formerly possessed by Haliartus, in 
Boeotia (ii. 366), but also on their own coast Salamis, 
the old starting-point of their dominion of the sea, and 
in the Thracian Sea the lucrative islands Scyros, Lem- 
nos, and Imbros, as well as Delos in the Aegean ; it is 
true this island, after the end of the republic, was no 
longer the central emporium of trade with the East, now 
that the traffic had been driven away from it to the 
ports of the west coast of Italy, and this was an irrep- 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


arable loss for the Athenians. Of the further grants, 
which they had the skill to draw by flattery from Anto- 
nius, Augustus, against whom they had taken part, took 
from them certainly Aegina and Eretria in Euboea, but 
they were allowed to retain the smaller islands of the 
Thracian Sea, Icus, Peparethus, Sciathus, and further 
Ceos confronting the promontory of Sunium ; and Ha- 
drian, moreover, gave to them the best part of the great 
island Cephallenia in the Ionian Sea. It was only by the 
emperor Severus, who bore them no goodwill, that a por- 
tion of these extraneous possessions was withdrawn from 
them. Hadrian further granted to the Athenians the 
delivery of a certain quantity of grain at the expense of 
the empire, and by the extension of this privilege, hith- 
erto reserved for the capital, acknowledged Athens, as it 
were, as another imperial metropolis. Not less was the 
blissful institute of alimentary endowments, which Italy 
had enjoyed since Trajan's time, extended by Hadrian to 
Athens, and the capital requisite for this purpose certainly 
presented to the Athenians from his purse. An aque- 
duct, which he likewise dedicated to his Athens, was only 
completed after his death by Pius. To this falls to be 
added the conflux of travellers and of students, and the 
endowments bestowed on the city in ever increasing num- 
ber by Roman grandees and by foreign princes. 

Yet the community was in constant distress. The right 
of citizenship was dealt with not merely in the 

Its difficulties. , , „ . . , . , . 

way everywhere usual 01 giving and taking, 
but was made formally and openly a matter of traffic, so 
that Augustus interfered to prohibit the evil. Once and 
again the council of Athens resolved to sell this or that 
one of its islands ; and not always was there found a rich 
man ready to make sacrifices like Julius Nicanor, who, 
under Augustus, bought back for the bankrupt Athenians 
the island of Salamis, thereby earning from its senate the 
honorary title of the "new Themistocles," as well as, 
seeing that he also made verses, that of the "new Homer," 
and — together with the noble councillors — from the public 


Greek Europe. 

[Book VIII. 

well-merited derision. The magnificent buildings with 
which Athens continued to embellish herself were ob- 
tained without exception from foreigners, among others 
from the rich kings Antiochus of Commagene and Herod 
of Judaea, but above all from the emperor Hadrian, who 
laid out a complete " new town" (novae A t/ienae) on the 
Ilisus, and— besides numberless other buildings, including 
the already mentioned Panhellenion — worthily brought to 
completion the wonder of the world, seven centuries after 
it had been begun, the gigantic building, commenced by 
Pisistratus, of the Olympieion, with its 120 columns part- 
ly still standing, the largest of all that are erect at the 
present day. This city itself was without money, not 
merely for its harbour-walls, which now certainly might 
be dispensed with, but even for its harbour. In Augustus's 
time the Piraeus was a small village of a few houses, only 
visited for the sake of the masterpieces of painting in the 
halls of the temples. There was hardly any longer com- 
merce or industry in Athens ; or rather for the citizens 
as a body as well as individually there was but a single 
flourishing trade —begging. 

Nor did the matter end with financial distress. The 
world doubtless had peace, but not the streets 
ree ~ n ' and squares of Athens. Even under Augus- 
tus an insurrection in Athens assumed such proportions 
that the Roman government had to take steps against the 
free city ; 1 and though this event stands isolated, riots on 
the street on account of the price of bread and on other 
trifling occasions belonged in Athens to the order of the 
day. The prospect must not have been much better in 
numerous other free towns, of which there is less mention. 
To give criminal justice absolutely into the hands of such 
a burgess-body could hardly be justified ; and yet it be- 

1 The Athenian insurrection under Augustus is certainly attested 
by the notice derived from Africanus in Eusebius, ad ann. Abr. 
2025 (whence Orosius, vi. 22, 2). The riots against the strategoi are 
often mentioned ; Plutarch, Q. sympos. viii. 3, init. ; (Lucian), De- 
monax, 11, 64 ; Philostratus, Vit. soph. i. 23, ii. 8, 11. 

Chap. VII. ] Greek Europe. 


longed de jure to the communities admitted to inter- 
national federation, like Athens and Ehodes. When the 
Athenian Areopagus in the time of Augustus refused to 
release from punishment on the intercession of a Roman 
of rank a Greek condemned for forgery, it must have 
been within its right ; but when the Cyzicenes under Ti- 
berius imprisoned Eoman burgesses, and under Claudius 
the Ehodians even nailed a Eoman burgess to the cross, 
these were formal violations of law, and a similar occur- 
rence under Augustus cost the Thessalians their autonomy. 
Arrogance and aggression are not excluded by absence 
of power — are not seldom even ventured on by weak 
clients. With all respect for great memories and sworn 
treaties, these free states could not but appear to every 
conscientious government not much less than an infringe- 
ment of the general order of the empire, like the still 
more time-hallowed right of asylum in the temples. 

Ultimately the government acted with' decision, and 
placed the free towns, as regards their econ- 

Correctores. -, ,t • l T £ jm • i 

omy, under the superintendence ot officials 
of imperial nomination, who, at all events in the first 
instance, are described as extraordinary commissioners 
" for the correction of evils prevailing in the free towns," 
and thence subsequently bear the designation " Correc- 
tores " as their title. The germs of this office may be 
traced back to the time of Trajan ; we find them as 
standing officials in Achaia in the third century. These 
officials, appointed by the emperor, and acting alongside 
of the proconsuls, occur in no part of the Eoman empire 
so early, and are in no case found so early permanent, as 
in Achaia, which half consisted of free cities. 

The self-esteem of the Hellenes, well-warranted in it- 
self and fostered by the attitude of the Eoman 
memories government, and perhaps still more by that 
of the past. ^ ^ e Eoman public — the consciousness of 
intellectual primacy — called into life among them a cultus 
of the past, which was compounded of a faithful clinging 
to the memories of greater and happier times and a quaint 


Greek Europe. 

[Book VIII. 

reverting of matured civilisation to its in part very primi- 
tive beginnings. 

To foreign worships, if we keep out of view the service 
of the Egyptian deities already earlier natu- 
ralised by trading intercourse, particularly 
that of Isis, the Greeks in Hellas proper sustained through- 
out the attitude of declining them ; if this held least true 
in the case of Corinth, Corinth was also the least Greek 
town of Hellas. The old religion of the country was not 
protected by hearty faith, from which this age had long 
since broken off ; 1 but the habits of home and the mem- 
ory of the past clung to it by preference, and therefore it 
was not merely retained with tenacity, but it even became 
— in good part by the process of erudite retouching — 
always more rigid and more antique as time went on, 
always more a distinctive possession of such as made it a 

It was the same with the worship of pedigrees, in 
which the Hellenes of this age performed un- 
common feats, and left the most aristocratic 
of the Eomans far behind them. In Athens the family of 
the Eumolpidae played a prominent part at the reorgani- 
sation of the Eleusinian festival under Marcus. His son 
Commodus conferred on the head of the clan of the Kery- 
kes the Roman franchise, and from him descended the 
brave and learned Athenian, who, almost like Thucydides, 
fought with the Goths and then described the Gothic war 
(p. 266). A contemporary of Marcus, the professor and 
consular Herodes Atticus, belonged to this same clan, and 
his court-poet sings of him, that the red shoe of the Ro- 
man patriciate well befitted the high-born Athenian, the 
descendant of Hermes and of Cecrops's daughter Herse, 

1 The magistrate even of culture, that is the freethinker, is ad- 
vised to attach the largesses which he makes to the religious festi- 
vals ; for the multitude is strengthened in its faith, when it sees 
that the men of rank in the city lay some stress on the worship of 
the gods, and can expend something upon it (Plutarch, Praec. ger. 
reip. 30). 

Chap. VII.] Greek Europe. 


while one of his panegyrists in prose celebrates him as 
Aeacides, and at the same time as a descendant of Miltia- 
des and Cimon. But even Athens was far outbidden in 
this respect by Sparta ; on several occasions we meet with 
Spartiates who boast of descent from the Dioscuri, Hera- 
kles, Poseidon, and of the priesthood of these ancestors 
hereditary for forty generations and more in their house. 
It is significant of this nobility, that it in the main pre- 
sents itself only with the end of the second century ; the 
heraldic draughtsmen who projected these genealogical 
tables must not have been very punctilious as to vouchers 
either in Athens or in Sparta. 

The same tendency appears in the treatment of the lan- 
guage or rather of the dialects. "While at 

Language ; 

archaismand this time in the other Greek-speaking lands 
and also in Hellas the so-called common 
Greek, debased in the main from the Attic dialect, pre- 
dominated in ordinary intercourse, not merely did the 
written language of this epoch strive to set aside preva- 
lent faults and innovations, but in many cases dialectic pe- 
culiarities were again taken up in opposition to common 
usage, and here, where it was least of all warranted, the 
old particularism was in semblance brought back. On 
the statues which the Thespians set up to the Muses in 
the grove of Helicon, there were inscribed in good Boeo- 
tian the names Orania and Thalea, while the epigrams 
belonging to them, composed by a poet of Roman name, 
called them in good Ionic Uranie and Thaleie, and the 
non-learned Boeotians, if they knew them, like all other 
Greeks called them Urania and Thaleia, By the Spartans 
especially incredible things were done in this way, and 
not seldom more was written for the shade of Lycurgus 
than for the Aelii and Aurelii living at the time. 1 More- 

1 A model sample is the inscription (Lebas-Foucart, ii. p. 142 n. , 
162 j. ) of M[Sp/£op] Avp[r}\iop] Zey|i7T7rop 5 Kal KAeWSpop, $i\o/xovaro), a con- 
temporary therefore of Pius and Marcus, who was tepevs AevKimrldav 
Kal TivdapiSav, of the Dioscuri and their wives, the daughters of Leu- 
kippos, but — in order that with the old the new might not be want- 


Greek Europe. 

[Book VIII, 

over, the correct use of the language at this period appears 
gradually losing ground even in Hellas ; archaisms and 
barbarisms often stand peacefully side by side in the docu- 
ments of the imperial period. The population of Athens, 
much mixed with foreigners, has at no time specially dis- 
tinguished itself in this respect, 1 and, although the civic 
documents kept themselves comparatively pure, yet from 
the time of Augustus the gradually increasing corruption 
of language here also makes itself felt. The strict gram- 
marians of the time filled whole books with the linguistic 
slips with which the much celebrated rhetorician Herodes 
Atticus just mentioned and the other famous school-ora- 
tors of the second century were chargeable, 2 quite apart 
from the quaint artificiality and the affected point of their 
discourse. But barbarism proper as regards language and 
writing set in in Athens and all Greece, just as in Kome, 
with Septimius Severus. 3 

ing — also apx^p^os r<S SejSao-TcD Kal 7<av OeioDU TrpoySvcov wr<a. He had 
in his youth, moreover, been fiovaylp /n^KKixi^o/neucov, literally herd- 
leader of the little ones, namely, director of three-year-old boys — 
the "herds" of boys of Lycurgus began with the seventh year, but 
his successors had overtaken what was wanting, and embraced in 
the " herd " and provided with " leaders " all from one year old on- 
ward. This same man was victorious (veiKdap=viK'fi(rai) KaircrripaTopiu, 
fjicaau kol Xwav. what this means, may be known perhaps to Lycurgus. 

1 " Inland Attica," says an inhabitant of it in Philostratus, Vitae 
Soph. ii. 7, "is a good school for one who would learn to speak ; 
the inhabitants of the city of Athens on the other hand, who hire 
out lodgings to the young people nocking thither from Thrace and 
Pontus and other barbarian regions, allow their language to be cor- 
rupted by these more than they impart to them good speaking. But 
in the interior, whose inhabitants are not mixed with barbarians, 
the pronunciation and language are good. " 

2 Karl Keil (Pauly, Realencycl. I 2 p. 2100) points to rtvSs for ?js 
rivSs and to x«pt« yiyovav in the inscription of the wife of Herodes 
(G. I. L. vi. 1342). 

3 Dittenberger, Hermes, i. 414. Here, too, may be adduced what 
the stupid champion of Apollonius makes his hero write to the Alex- 
andrian professors (Ep. 34), that he has left Argos, Sicyon, Megara, 
Phocis, Locris, in order that he might not, by staying longer in 
Hellas, become utterly a barbarian. 

Chap. VII.] Greek Europe. 


The bane of Hellenic existence lay in the limitation of 
its sphere ; high ambition lacked a correspond- 
2aree? ublic m S a i m > an d therefore the low and degrad- 
ing ambition flourished luxuriantly. Even in 
Hellas there was no lack of native families of great wealth 
and considerable influence. 1 The country was doubtless 
on the whole poor, but there were houses of extensive 
Gr t f ir possessions and old-established prosperity. In 
Sparta, for example, that of Lachares occupied, 
from Augustus down at least to the time of Hadrian, a 
position which in point of fact was not far removed from 
that of a prince. Antonius had caused Lachares to be put 
to death for exaction. Thereupon his son Eurycles was 
one of the most decided partisans of Augustus, and one of 
the bravest captains in the decisive naval battle, who had 
almost made the conquered general personally a captive ; 
he received from the victor, among other rich gifts as pri- 
vate property, the island of Cythera (Cerigo). Later he 
played a prominent and hazardous part not merely in his 
native land, over which he must have exercised a perma- 
nent presidency, but also at the courts of Jerusalem and 
Caesarea, to which the respect paid to a Spartiate by the 
Orientals contributed not a little. For that reason brought 
to trial several times at the bar of the emperor, he was at 
length condemned and sent into exile ; but death season- 
ably withdrew him from the consequences of the sentence, 
and his son Lacon came into the property, and substan- 
tially also, though in a more cautious form, into the posi- 

1 Tacitus (on the year 62, Ann. xv. 20) characterises one of these 
rich and influential provincials, Claudius Timarchides from Crete, 
who is all powerful in his sphere (ut solent praemlidi provincialium 
et opibus nimiis ad iniurias minorum elati), and has at his disposal 
the diet and consequently also the decree of thanks — a due accom- 
paniment very desirable for the departing proconsul in view of pos- 
sible actions- of reckoning (in sua potestate situm an proconsulibus, 
qui Oretam obtinuissent, grates agerentur). The opposition proposes 
that this decree of thanks be refused, but does not succeed in bring- 
ing the proposal to a vote. From another side Plutarch (Praec. ger. 
reip. c. 19, 3) depicts these Greeks of rank. 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

tion of power of his father. The family of the often-men- 
tioned Herodes had a similar standing in Athens ; we can 
trace it going back through four generations to the time 
of Caesar, and confiscation was decreed, just as over the 
Spartan Eurycles, over the grandfather of Herodes on ac- 
count of his exorbitant position of power in Athens. The 
enormous landed estates which the grandson possessed in 
his poor native country, the extensive spaces applied for 
the sake of erecting tombs for his boy-favourites, excited 
the indignation even of the Roman governors. It may be 
presumed that there were powerful families of this sort in 
most districts of Hellas, and, while they as a rule decided 
matters at the diet of the province, they were not without 
connections and influence even in Rome. But although 
those legal bars, which excluded the Gaul and 
SteSSSs!* *he Alexandrian even after obtaining the fran- 
chise from the imperial senate, hardly stood 
in the way of those Greeks of rank, but on the contrary 
the political and military career which offered itself to the 
Italian likewise stood open in law to the Hellenes, these in 
point of fact entered only at a late period and to a limited 
extent into the service of the state ; partly, doubtless, be- 
cause the Roman government of the earlier imperial pe- 
riod reluctantly admitted the Greeks as foreigners, partly 
because these themselves shunned the translation to Rome 
that was associated with entrance on this career, and pre- 
ferred to be the first at home instead of one the more 
among the many senators. It was the great-grandson of 
Lachares, Herclanus, who first in the time of Trajan en- 
tered the Roman senate ; and in the family of Herodes 
probably his father was the first to do so about the same 
time. 1 

1 Herodes was e£ virdrav (Philostratus, Vit. Soph. i. 25, 5, p. 526), 
ereA.€i e/c irarepwv is tovs hiavirarovs (lb. ii. init. p. 545). Otherwise 
nothing is known of consulships of his ancestors ; but certainly his 
grandfather Hipparchus was not a senator. Possibly the question 
is even only as to cognate ascendants. The family did not receive 
the Roman franchise under the Julii (comp. C. I. A. iii. 489), but 
only under the Claudii, 

Chap, vh.] Greek Europe. 309 

The other career, which only opened up in the imperial 
period — the personal service of the emperor 

Personal ser- r * * 

vice of the — gave doubtless in favourable circumstances 
riches and influence, and was earlier and more 
frequently pursued by the Greeks ; but, as most, and the 
most important, of these positions were associated with 
service as officers, there seems to have been for a consid- 
erable time a de facto preference of Italians for these 
places, and the direct way was here also in some measure 
barred to Greeks. In subordinate positions Greeks were 
employed at the imperial court from the first and in great 
numbers, and they often in circuitous ways attained to 
trust and influence ; but such persons came more from the 
Hellenised regions than from Hellas itself, and least of all 
from the better Hellenic houses. For the legitimate am- 
bition of the young man of ancestry and estate there was, 
if he was a Greek, but limited scope in the Eoman empire. 
There remained to him his native land, and in its case 
to be active for the common weal was certain- 
m?nttr P atio a n." a duty and an honour. But the duties were 
very modest and the honours more modest 
still. "Your task," Dio says further to his Ehodians, " is 
a different one from that of your ancestors. They could 
develop their ability on many sides, aspire to government, 
aid the oppressed, gain allies, found cities, make war and 
conquer ; of all this you can no longer do aught. There is 
left for you the conduct of the household, the administra- 
tion of the city, the bestowal of honours and distinctions 
with choice and moderation, a seat- in council and in court, 
sacrifice to the gods and celebration of festivals ; in all this 
you may distinguish yourselves above other towns. Nor 
are these slight matters : the decorous bearing, the care 
for the hair and beard, the sedate pace in the street, so 
that the foreigners accustomed to other things may by 
your side unlearn their haste, the becoming dress, even, 
though it may seem ridiculous, the narrow and neat pur- 
ple-border, the calmness in the theatre, the moderation in 
applause — all this forms the honour of your town ; therein 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

more than in your ports and walls and docks appears the 
good old Hellenic habit ; and thereby even the barbarian, 
who knows not the name of the city, perceives that he is 
in Greece and not in Syria or Cilicia." All this was to the 
point ; but, if it was do longer required now of the citizen 
to die for the city of his fathers, the question was at any 
rate not without warrant, whether it was still worth the 

trouble to live for that city. There exists a 
3 n itata2u? w disquisition by Plutarch as to the position of 

the Greek municipal official in his time, where- 
in he discusses these relations with the fairness and cir- 
cumspection characteristic of him. The old difficulty of 
conducting the good administration of public affairs by 
means of majorities of the citizens — uncertain, capricious, 
often bethinking them more of their own advantage than 
of that of the commonwealth — or even of the very numer- 
ous council-board — the Athenian numbered in the imperial 
period first 600, then 700, later 750 town-councillors — sub- 
sisted now, as formerly : it is the duty of the capable mag- 
istrate to prevent the " people " from inflicting wrong on 
the individual burgess, from appropriating to themselves 
unallowably private property, from distributing among 
them the municipal property — tasks which are not rendered 
the easier by the fact that the magistrate has no means for 
the purpose but judicious admonition and the art of the 
demagogue, that it is further suggested to him not to be 
too punctilious in such things, and, if at a city festival a 
moderate largess to the burgesses is proposed, not to spoil 
matters with the people on account of such a trifle. But 
in other respects the circumstances had entirely changed, 
and the official must learn to adapt himself to things as 
they are. First of all he has to keep the powerlessness of 
the Hellenes present at every moment to himself and to his 
fellow-citizens. The freedom of the community reaches so 
far as the rulers allow it, and anything more would doubt- 
less be evil. When Pericles put on the robes of office, he 
called to himself not to forget that he was ruling over free 
men and Greeks ; to-day the magistrate has to say to him- 

CflAP. VII.] Greek Europe. 


self that he rules under a ruler, over a town subject to pro- 
consuls and imperial procurators, that he can and may be 
nothing but the organ of the government, that a stroke of 
the governor's pen suffices to annul any one of his decrees. 
Therefore it is the first duty of a good magistrate to place 
himself on a good understanding with the Romans, and, 
if possible, to form influential connections in Rome, that 
these may benefit his native place. It is true that the up- 
right man warns urgently against servility ; in case of 
need the magistrate ought courageously to confront the 
bad governor, and the resolute championship of the com- 
munity in such conflicts at Rome before the emperor 
appears as the highest service. In a significant way he 
sharply censures those Greeks who — quite as in the times 
of the Achaean league — call for the intervention of the 
Roman governor in every local quarrel, and urgently ex- 
horts them rather to settle the communal affairs within 
the community than by appeal to give themselves into the 
hands, not so much of the supreme authority, as of the 
pleaders and advocates that practise before it. All this 
is judicious and patriotic, as judicious and patriotic as was 
formerly the policy of Polybius, which is expressly referred 
to. At this epoch of complete world-peace, when there 
was neither a Greek nor a barbarian war anywhere, when 
civic commands, civic treaties of peace and alliances be- 
longed solely to history, the advice was very reasonable to 
leave Marathon and Plataeae to the schoolmasters, and not 
to heat the heads of the Ecclesia by such grand words, but 
rather to content themselves with the narrow circle of the 
free movement still allowed to them. The world, how- 
ever, belongs not to reason but to passion. The Hellenic 
burgess could still even now do his duty towards his 
fatherland ; but for the true political ambition striving after 
what was great, for the passion of Pericles and Alcibiades, 
there was in this Hellas — apart perhaps from the writing- 
desk — nowhere any room ; and in the vacant space there 
flourished the poisonous herbs which, wherever high effort is 
arrested in the bud, harden and embitter the human heart. 

Greek Europe. 

[Book VIII. 

Therefore Hellas was the motherland of the degenerate, 
empty ambition which was perhaps the most 
general, and certainly among the most perni- 
cious, of the many sore evils of the decaying ancient civili- 
sation. Here in the first rank stood the popular festivals 
with their prize competitions. The Olympic rivalries well 
beseemed the youthful people of the Hellenes ; the general 
gymnastic festival of the Greek tribes and towns, and the 
chaplet plaited from the branches of the olive for the 
ablest runner according to the decision of the " Hellas- 
judges," were the innocent and simple expression of the 
young nation as a collective unity. But their political 
development had soon carried them beyond this early 
dawn. Already in the days of the Athenian naval league, 
or at least of the monarchy of Alexander, that festival of 
the Hellenes was an anachronism, a child's play continued 
in the age of manhood ; the fact, that the possessor of 
that olive wreath passed at least with himself and his 
fellow-citizens as holder of the national primacy, had 
nearly as much significance, as if in England the victors in 
the students' boat races were to be placed on a level with 
Pitt and Beaconsfield. The extension of the Hellenic 
nation by colonising and Hellenising found, amidst its 
ideal unity and real disruption, its true expression in this 
dreamy realm of the olive-wreath. ; and the Greek real 
policy of the time of the Diadochi thereupon gave itself, 
as was meet, but little trouble on the subject. But when 
the imperial period after its fashion took up the Pan- 
hellenic idea, and the Komans entered into the rights and 
duties of the Hellenes, then Olympia remained or became 
the true symbol for the Koman " All-Hellas " ; at any rate 
the first Eoman Olympic victor appears under Augustus, 
and in the person of no less than Augustus's stepson, the 
subsequent emperor Tiberius. 1 The far from pure mar- 

1 The first Roman Olympionices, of whom we know, is Ti. 
Claudius Ti. f . Nero, beyond doubt the subsequent emperor, with 
the four-in-hand {Arch. Zeit. 1880, p. 53) ; this victory falls prob- 
ably in 01. 195(A.D. 1), not in 01. 99 (A.D. 17), as the list of 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


riage-alliance, which Allhellenism entered into with the 
demon of play, converted these festivals into an institution 
as powerful and lasting as it was injurious in general, and 
especially for Hellas. The whole Hellenic and Hellenising 
world took part therein, sending deputies to them and 
imitating them ; everywhere similar festivals destined for 
the whole Greek world sprang from the soil, and the 
zealous participation of the masses at large, the general 
interest felt in the individual competitors, the pride not 
merely of the victor but of his adherents and of his native 
land, made people almost forget what in the strict sense 
were the things contended for. 

Not merely did the Eoman government allow free 
scope to this rivalry in gymnastic and other 
Stin e t r hem mter competitions, but the empire took part in 
them ; the right solemnly to fetch home the 
victor to his native city did not in the imperial period 
depend on the pleasure of the burgesses concerned, but 
was conferred on the individual agonistic institutes by 
imperial charter, 1 and in this case also the yearly pension 
(o-tr^crts) assigned to the victor was charged upon the im- 
perial exchequer, and the more important agonistic insti- 
tutes were treated directly as imperial institutions. This 
interest in games seized all the provinces as well as the 
empire itself ; but Greece proper was always the ideal 
centre of such contests and victories. Here was their 
home on the Alpheus ; here the seat of the oldest imita- 

Africanus states (Euseb. i. p. 214, Schone). In this year the con- 
queror was rather his son Germanicus, likewise with the four-in- 
hand {Arch. Zeit. 1879, p. 36). Among the eponymous Olympion- 
icae, the victors in the stadium, no Roman is found; this wounding 
of the Greek national feeling seems to have been avoided. 

1 An agonistic institute thus privileged is termed ayciiv tepos, cevtCL- 
men sacrum (that is, with pensioning : Dio, li. 1), or ay(bv el<re\aariK6^ 
certamen iselasticum (comp. among others, Plin. ad Trai. 118, 119 ; 
G. I. L. x. 515). The Xystarchia too is, at least in certain cases, 
conferred by the emperor (Dittenberger, Hermes, xii. 17 f .). Not 
without warrant these institutes called themselves ' ' world-games * 
(aywu olKovfjLevtKOs). 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

tions, of the Pythia, Isthmia, and Nemea, still belonging 
to the great times of the Hellenic name and glorified 
by its classic poets, and no less of a number of more 
recent but richly equipped similar festivals, the Euryclea, 
which the just-mentioned lord of Sparta had founded 
under Augustus, the Athenian Panathenaea, the Panhel- 
leoia, endowed by Hadrian with imperial munificence 
and likewise celebrated at Athens. It might be matter 
for wonder that the whole world of the wide empire 
seemed to revolve round these gymnastic festivals, but not 
that the Hellenes above all got intoxicated over this rare 
cup of enchantment, and that the life of political quiet, 
which their best men recommended to them, was in the 
most injurious way disturbed by the wreaths and the stat- 
ues and the privileges of the festal victors. 

Civic institutions took a similar course, certainly in the 

empire as a whole, but again more especially 
Municipal amw- in Hellas> when great aims and an ambition 

still existed there, in Hellas, just as in Kome, 
the pursuit of public offices and public honours had formed 
the centre of political emulation, and had called forth, 
along with much that was empty, ridiculous, mischievous, 
also the ablest and noblest services. Now the kernel had 
vanished and the husk remained ; in Panopeus, in the 
Phocian territory, the houses were roofless, and the citizens 
dwelt in huts, but it was still a city, indeed a state, and in 
the procession of the Phocian communities the Panopeans 
were not wanting. These towns, with their magistracies 
and priesthoods, with their laudatory decrees proclaimed 
by herald and their seats of honour in the public assem- 
blies, with the purple dress and the diadem, with statues 
on foot and on horseback, drove a trade in vanity and 
money-jobbing worse than the pettiest paltry prince of 
modern times with his orders and titles. There would 
not be wanting even amidst these incidents real merit and 
honourable gratitude ; but generally it was a trade of 
giving and taking, or, to use Plutarch's language, an affair 
as between a courtesan and her customers. As at the 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


present day private munificence in the positive degree pro- 
cures an order, in the superlative a patent of nobility, so it 
then procured the priestly purple and the statue in the 
market place ; and it is not with impunity that the state 
issues a spurious coinage of its honours. 

As regards the scale of conducting such proceedings 

and the grossness of their forms the doings of 
Se£°S s and the present day fall considerably behind those 

of the ancient world, as is natural, seeing that 
the apparent autonomy of the community, not sufficiently 
chastened by the idea of the state, bore unhindered sway 
in this domain, and the decreeing authorities throughout 
were the burgesses or the councils of petty towns. The 
consequences were pernicious on both sides ; the municipal 
offices were given away more according to the ability to 
pay than according to the aptitude of the candidates ; the 
banquets and largesses made the recipients none the 
richer, and often impoverished the donor ; to the in- 
creased aversion for labour and the decay in the means 
of good families, this evil habit contributed its full share. 
The economy of the communities themselves also suffered 
severely under the spreading evil of adulation. No doubt 
the honours, with which the community thanked the in- 
dividual benefactor, were measured in great part by the 
same rational principle of fairness which governs at the 
present day similar decorative favours ; and, when that 
was not the case, the benefactor frequently found himself 
ready, for example, personally to pay for the statue to be 
erected in his honour. But the same did not apply to the 
marks of honour which the community showed to foreign- 
ers of rank, above all to the governors and the emperors, 
and to the members of the imperial house. The tendency 
of the time to set value even on meaningless and formal 
homage did not dominate the imperial court and the Ro- 
man senators so much as the circles of ambition in the 
petty town, but yet it did so in a very perceptible way , 
and, as a matter of course, the honours and the homage 
grew withal in the course of time through the use to 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

which they were put, and, further, in the same proportion 
as the worthlessness of the personages governing or tak- 
ing part in the government. In this respect, as might be 
conceived, the offer of honours was always stronger than 
the demand for them, and those who rightly valued such 
marks of homage, in order to remain spared from it, were 
compelled to decline them, which seems to have been 
done often enough in individual cases, 1 but seldom with 
consistency — for Tiberius, the small number of statues 
erected to him may perhaps be recorded among his titles 
to honour. The disbursements for honorary memorials, 
which often went far beyond the simple statue, and for 
honorary embassies, 2 were a cancer, and became ever 
more so, in the municipal economy of all the provinces. 
But none perhaps expended uselessly sums so large in 
proportion to its slender ability to furnish them as the 
province of Hellas, the motherland of municipal honours 
as of rewards for the festal victor, and unexcelled at this 
period in one pre-eminence — that of menial humility and 
abject homage. 

That the economic circumstances of Greece were not 
favourable, scarce needs to be specially set 

ScoSi f orth in detail - The land > taken on the wnole > 
was but of moderate fertility, the agricultural 

portions of limited extent, the culture of the vine on the 

1 The emperor Gaius declines, in his letter to the diet of Achaia, 
the " great number " of statues adjudged to him, and contents him- 
self with the four of Olympia, Nemea, Delphi, and the Isthmus 
(Keil, Inscr. Boeot. n. 31). The same diet resolves to set up a statue 
to the emperor Hadrian in each of its towns, of which the base of 
that set up at Abea in Messenia has been preserved (G. I. Gr. 
1307). Imperial authorisation for such erections was required from 
the first. 

2 At the revision of the town-accounts of Byzantium, Pliny 
found that annually 12,000 sesterces (£125) were set down for the 
conveyance of new-year's good wishes by a special deputation to the 
emperor, and 3000 sesterces (£32) for the same to the governor of 
Moesia. Pliny instructs the authorities to send these congratula- 
tions thenceforth only in writing, which Trajan approves (Bp. ad 
Trai. 43, 44). 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


mainland not of prominent importance, that of the olive 
more so. As the quarries of the famous marble — the 
shining white Attic and the green Carystian — belonged, 
like most others, to the domanial possessions, the working 
of them by imperial slaves tended little to benefit the 

The most assiduous of the Greek districts from an in- 
dustrial point of view was that of the Achaeans, where the 
manufacture of woollen stuffs, that had long existed, main- 
tained its ground, and in the well-peopled town of Patrae 
numerous looms worked up the fine flax of Elis into 
clothing and head-dresses. Art and art-handiwork still 
continued chiefly in the hands of the Greeks ; and of the 
masses in particular of Pentelic marble, which the impe- 
rial period made use of, no small portion must have been 
worked up on the spot. But it was predominantly abroad 
that the Greeks practised both; of the export of Greek 
art-products formerly so important there is little mention 
at this period. The city of the two seas, Corinth — the 
metropolis common to all Hellenes, constantly swarming 
with foreigners, as a rhetorician describes it — had the 
most stirring traffic. In the two Roman colonies of 
Corinth and Patrae, and, moreover, in Athens constantly 
filled by strangers seeing and learning, was concentrated 
the larger banking-business of the province, which, in 
the imperial period, as in the republican, lay largely in 
the hands of Italians settled there. In places too of the 
second rank, as in Argos, Elis, Mantinea in the Pelopon- 
nesus, the Roman merchants who were settled formed 
societies of their own, standing alongside of the burgesses. 
In general trade and commerce were at a low ebb in Achaia, 
particularly since Rhodes and Delos had ceased to be em- 
poria for the carrying traffic between Asia and Europe, and 
the latter had been drawn to Italy. Piracy was restrained, 
and even the land-routes were tolerably secure ; 1 but withal 

1 That the land-routes of Greece were specially unsafe, we do not 
learn ; as to what was the nature of the insurrection in Achaia 
under Pius ( Vita<> 5, 4), we are quite in the dark. If the robher- 


Greek Europe. 

[Book VIII. 

the old happy times did not return. The desolation of the 
Piraeus has been already mentioned; it was an event when 
one of the great Egyptian corn ships once strayed thither. 
Nauplia, the port of Argos, the most considerable coast 
town of the Peloponnesus after Patrae, lay likewise deso- 
late. 5 

It is in accordance with this state of things that virtually 
nothing was done for the roads of this prov- 
ince in the imperial period ; Roman mile- 
stones have been found only in the immediate vicinity of 
Patrae and of Athens, and even these belong to the em- 
perors of the end of the third and of the fourth century ; 
evidently the earlier governments renounced the idea of 
restoring communications here. Hadrian alone undertook 

cliief generally — and not precisely the Greek one — plays a prominent 
part in the light literature of the epoch, this vehicle is common to 
the bad romance-writers of all ages. The Euboean desert of the 
more polished Dio was not a robber's nest, but it was the wreck of 
a great landed estate, whose possessor had been condemned on ac- 
count of his wealth by the emperor, and which thenceforth lay 
waste. Moreover it is here apparent — as indeed needs no proof, at 
least for those who are non-scholars — that this history is just as true 
as most which begin by stating that the narrator himself had it 
from the person concerned ; if the confiscation were historical, the 
possession would have come to the exchequer, not to the town, which 
the narrator accordingly takes good care not to name. 

1 The naive description of Achaia by an Egyptian merchant of 
Constantius's time may find a place here : — " The land of Achaia, 
Greece, and Laconia has much of learning, but is inadequate for 
other things needful ; for it is a small and mountainous province, 
and cannot furnish much corn, but produces some oil and the Attic 
honey, and can be praised more on account of the schools and elo- 
quence, but not so in most other respects. Of towns it has Corinth 
and Athens. Corinth has much commerce, and a fine building, the 
amphitheatre ; but Athens has old effigies (Mstorias antiquas), and a 
work worth mentioning, the citadel, where many statues stand and 
wonderfully set forth the war-deeds of the forefathers (ubi multis 
statuis stantibus mirabile est mclere dicendum antiquorum bellum). 
Laconia is said alone to have the marble of Croceae to show, which 
people call the Lacedaemonian." The barbarism of expression is to 
be set down to the account, not of the writer, but of the much later 

Chap. VII.] Greek Europe. 


at least to make the equally important and short land- 
connection between Corinth and Megara — by way of the 
wretched pass of the " Scironian cliffs " — into a practicable 
road by means of huge embankments thrown into the sea. 
The long-discussed plan of piercing the Corinthian 

isthmus, which the dictator Caesar had con- 
SeTsthmus. ceived, was subsequently attempted, first by 

the emperor Gaius and then by Nero. The 
latter even, on occasion of his abode in Greece, personally 
took the first step towards the canal, and caused 6000 
Jewish captives to work at it for a series of months. In 
connection with the cutting operations resumed in our 
own day, considerable remains of these buildings have 
been brought to light, which show that the w r orks were tol- 
erably far advanced when they were broken off, probably 
not in consequence of the revolution that broke out some 
time afterwards in the West, but because here, just as with 
the similar Egyptian canal, in consequence of the difference 
of level that was erroneously assumed to exist between the 
two seas, there were apprehensions of the destruction of 
the island of Aegina and of further mischief on the com- 
pletion of the canal. No doubt had this canal been com- 
pleted, it would have shortened the course of traffic be- 
tween Asia and Italy, but it would not have tended specially 
to benefit Greece itself. 

It has already been remarked (p. 277) that the regions 
to the north of Hellas, Thessaly, and Mace- 
donia, and at least from Trajan's time Epirus, 
were in the imperial period separated administratively 
from Greece. Of these the small Epirot province, which 
was administered by an imperial governor of the second 
rank, never recovered from the devastation to which it had 
been subjected in the course of the third Macedonian war 
(ii. 365). The mountainous and poor interior possessed no 
city of note and a thinly scattered population. Augustus 
had endeavoured to raise the not less desolated coast by 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

the construction of two towns — by the completion of the 
colony of Roman citizens already resolved on by Caesar in 
Buthrotum over against Corcyra, which, however, attained 
no true prosperity, and by the founding of the Greek town 
Nicopolis, just at the spot where the head- 
quarters had been stationed before the de- 
cisive battle of Actium, at the southernmost point of 
Epirus, about three miles to the north of Prevesa, ac- 
cording to the design of Augustus, at once a permanent 
memorial of the great naval victory and the centre of a 
newly flourishing Hellenic life. This foundation was new 
in its kind as Roman. 1 The words of a contemporary 
Greek poet, which we quote below, simply express what 
Augustus here did ; he united the whole surrounding 
territory, southern Epirus, the opposite region of Acar- 
nania with the island of Leucas, and even a portion of 
Aetolia into one urban domain, and transferred the in- 
habitants still left in the decaying townships there exist- 
ing to the new city of Nicopolis, opposite to which on the 
Acarnanian shore the old temple of the Actian Apollo was 
magnificently renewed and enlarged. 

A Roman city had never been founded in this way ; 

this was the synoekismos of the successors of 
anVpSviieges Alexander. Quite in the same way had king 
Cassander constituted the Macedonian towns 
Thessalonica and Cassandreia, Demetrius Poliorcetes the 
Thessalian town Demetrias, and Lysimachus the town of 
Lysimachia on the Thracian Chersonese out of a number 
of surrounding townships divested of their independence. 
In keeping with the Greek character of the foundation 
Nicopolis was, according to the intention of its founder, 

1 AevKaSos olvt'i /xe Kaicrap, 18' 'A/j,f}pa.Klris ipifiwAov, 
(dvpfielov re 7reAeti>, avri t' 'AvaKTopiov, 
'Apyeos 3 A/j.<pi\6xov Te, teal biriroffa palaaTo kvkAo> 
&(TT€ i-rnQpuxTKoov Sovpo/xavr)s irSXtfAos, 
efo-aro NikottoXiv, Qz'iy\v itoXiv avn 5e v'lKrjs 
(polfios &va£ ravrrip dex^vrai 'AtcTiddos. 

Antliol. Or. ix. 553. 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


to become a Greek city on a great scale. 1 It obtained 
freedom and autonomy like Athens and Sparta, and was 
intended, as already stated, to wield the fifth part of the 
votes in the Amphictiony representing all Hellas, and to 
do so, like Athens, without alternating with other towns 
(p. 275). This new Actian shrine of Apollo was erected 
quite after the model of Olympia, with a quadriennial 
festival, which even bore the name of "Olympia" along- 
side of its own, had equal rank and equal privileges, and 
even its Actiads as the former had its Olympiads ; 2 the 
town of Nicopolis stood related to it like the town of Elis 
to the Olympian temple. 3 Everything properly Italian 
was carefully avoided in the erection of the town as well 
as in the religious arrangements, however natural it might 
be to mould after the Koman fashion the " city of victory " 
so intimately associated with the founding of the empire. 
Whoever considers the arrangements of Augustus in 
Hellas in this connection, and especially this remarkable 
corner-stone, will not be able to resist the conviction that 

1 When Tacitus, Ann. v. 10, names Nicopolis a colonia Romana, 
the statement is one liable to be misunderstood, but not exactly in- 
correct ; but that of Pliny (II. N. iv. 1, 5), colonia Augusti Actium 
cum . . . cwitate libera Nicopolitana, is erroneous, as Actium 
was as little a town as Olympia. 

2 f O aywv 'OXvfXTrios ra "Anna, Strabo, vii. 7, 6, p. 325 ; 'A/CTtas, 
Josephus, Bell. Jud. i. 20, 4 ; 'Aktioviktis oftener. As the four great 
Greek national festivals are, as is well known, termed y irepioSos, 
and the victor crowned in all four irepiodov'iKrjs, so in G. I. Or. 4472 
tT/s Trepi65ov is appended also to the games of Nicopolis, and the 
former irepiotios is designated as the ancient (apxaia). As competi- 
tive games are frequently called IcroXvfxma, so we find also aycbv 
IcraKTios (<?. I. Or. 4472), or ccrtamen ad exemplar Actiacae religionis 
(Tacitus, Ann. xv. 23). 

3 Thus a Nicopolite terms himself frpxtov rrjs Upas 'A/ctjo/c^s {3ov\r}s 
(Delphi, Rhein. Mus. N. F. ii. Ill), as in Elis the expression is 
used: rj tt6\ls 'HAetW Kal % 'OKvuttikIi fiovXi] (Arch. Zeit. 1876, p. 57; 
similarly ibid. 1877, pp. 40, 41 and elsewhere). Moreover the 
Spartans, as the only Hellenes that took part in the victory at 
Actium, obtained the conduct (eTri[x4\€ia) of the Actian games 
(Strabo, vii. 7, 6, p. 325) : their relation to the &ov\r) 'Aktjcik*} of 
Nicopolis we do not know. 



Greek Europe. 

[Book VIII. 

Augustus believed that a reorganisation of Hellas under 
the protection of the Roman prineipate was practicable, 
and wished to carry it out. The locality at least was well 
chosen for it as at that time, before the foundation of 
Patrae, there was no Larger city on the whole Greek west 
coast. But what Augustus may have hoped for at the 
commencement of his sole rule, he did not attain, and 
perhaps even subsequently abandoned, when he gave to 
Patrae the form of a Roman colony. Xicopolis remained, 
as the extensive ruins and the numerous coins show, com- 
paratively populous and rloui-ishing ; 1 but its citizens do 
not appeal- to have taken a prominent part in commerce 
and manufactures or otherwise. Northern Epirus, which, 
like the adjoining Ulyricuin bordering on Macedonia, was 
in greater part inhabited by Albanian tribes and was not 
placed under Xicopolis, continued during the imperial peri- 
od in its primitive condition, which still subsists in some 
measure at the present day. M Epiras and Rlyricum," says 
Strabo, " are in great part a desert ; where men are found, 
they dwell in villages and in ruins of earlier towns ; even 
the oracle of Dodona,'' — laid waste in the Alithradatic war by 
the Thracians (iii. 357), — " is extinct like everything else." 1 

Thessaly, in itself a purely Hellenic district as well as 
Aetolia and Acarnania, was in the imperial 
period separated administratively from the 
province of Achaia and placed under the governor of 

1 The description of its decay in the time of Constantius {Paneg. 
11, 9) is an evidence to the opposite effect for the earlier times of 
the empire. 

- The excavations at Dodona have confirmed this ; all the articles 
fonnd belong to the pre-Eoman period except some coins. Cer- 
tainly a restoration of the bnilding took place, the time of which 
cannot be determined ; perhaps it was qnite late. \Mien Hadrian, 
who is named Zevs ^u&ovauos [C I. Or. 1822), visited Dodona Diirr, 
Beuem Hadrians, p. 56) he did so as an archaeologist. A consulta- 
tion of the oracle during the imperial period is only reported — and 
that not after the most trustworthy manner — in the case of the 
emperor Julian < Theodoretus, Hist. End. iii 21) 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


Macedonia. What holds true of northern Greece applies 
also to Thessaly. The freedom and autonomy which 
Caesar had allowed generally to the Thessalians, or rather 
had not withdrawn from them, seem to have been with- 
drawn, on account of misuse, from them by Augustus, so 
that subsequently Pharsalus alone retained this legal posi- 
tion ; 1 Roman colonists were not settled in the district. 
It retained its separate diet in Larisa, and civic self-ad- 
ministration was left with the Thessalians, as with the de- 
pendent Greeks in Achaia. Thessaly was far the most 
fertile region of the whole peninsula, and still exported 
grain in the fourth century ; nevertheless Dio of Prusa 
says that even the Peneus flows through waste land ; and 
in the imperial period money was coined in this region 
only to a very small extent. Hadrian and Diocletian ex- 
erted themselves to restore the roads of the country, but 
they alone, so far as we see, of the Roman emperors did so. 

Macedonia, as a Roman administrative district under 
the empire, was materially curtailed as com- 
pared with the Macedonia of the republic. 
Certainly, like the latter, it reached from sea to sea, inas- 
much as the coast as well of the Aegean Sea from the re- 
gion of Thessaly belonging to Macedonia as far as the 
mouth of the Nestus (Mesta), as of the Adriatic from the 
Aous 2 as far as the Drilon (Drin), was reckoned to this 

1 The ordinance of Caesar is attested by Appian, B. C. ii. 88, and 
Plutarch, Oaes. 48, and it very well accords with his own account, 
B. G iii. 80; whereas Pliny, H. N. iv. 8, 29, names only Pharsalus 
as a free town. In Augustus' time a Thessalian of note, Petraeos 
(probably the partisan of Caesar, B. G iii. 35), was burnt alive 
(Plutarch, Praec. ger. reip. PJj, doubtless not by a private crime, 
but according to resolution of the diet, and so the Thessalians were 
brought before the tribunal of the emperor (Suetonius, Tib. 8). 
Presumably the two incidents and likewise the loss of freedom 
stand connected. 

2 In the time of the republic Scodra seems to have belonged to 
Macedonia (iii. 210) ; in the imperial period this and Lissus are 
Dalmatian towns, and the mouth of the Drin forms the boundary 
on tbe west. 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

district ; the latter territory, not properly Macedonian but 
Illyrian land, but already in the republican period assigned 
to the governor of Macedonia (iii. 59), remained with the 
province also during the time of the empire. But we 
have already stated that Greece south of Oeta was sepa- 
rated from it. The northern frontier towards Moesia and 
the east frontier towards Thrace remained indeed in so 
far unaltered, as the province in the imperial period 
reached as far as the Macedonia proper of the republic 
had reached, viz. on the north almost as far as the vale of 
the Erigon, eastward as far as the river Nestus ; but while 
in the time of the republic the Dardani and the Thracians, 
and all the tribes of the north and north-east adjoining the 
Macedonian territory, had to do with this governor in 
their circumstances of peaceful or warlike contact, and in 
so far it could be said that the Macedonian boundary 
reached as far as the Roman lances, the Macedonian gov- 
ernor of the imperial period bore sway only over the dis- 
trict assigned to him, which no longer bordered on neigh- 
bours half or wholly independent. As the defence of the 
frontier was transferred in the first instance to the king- 
dom of the Thracians which had come under allegiance 
to Rome, and soon to the governor of the new province 
Moesia, the governor of Macedonia was from the outset 
relieved of his command. There was hardly any fight- 
ing on Macedonian soil under the empire ; only the bar- 
barian Dardani on the upper Axius (Vardar) still at times 
pillaged the peaceful neighbouring province. There is 
no report, moreover, from this province of any local 

From the more southerly Greek districts this — the most 
Nationalities northerly — stood aloof as well in its national 
basis as in the stage of its civilisation. While 
the Macedonians proper on the lower course of the Ha- 
liacmon (Vistritza) and the Axius (Vardar), as far as the 
Strymon, were an originally Greek stock, whose diver- 
sity from the more southern Hellenes had no further sig- 
nificance for the present epoch, and while the Hellenic 

Chap. VII. ] 

Greek Europe. 


colonisation embraced within its sphere both coasts — on 
the west with Apollonia and Dyrrachium, on the east in 
particular with the townships of the Chalcidian peninsula 
— the interior of the province, on the other hand, was filled 
with a confused mass of non-Greek peoples, which must 
have differed from the present state of things in the same 
region more as to elements than as to results. After the 
Celts who had pushed forward into this region, the Scor- 
disci, had been driven back by the generals of the Koman 
republic, the interior of Macedonia fell to the share espe- 
cially of Illyrian stocks in the west and north, of Thracian 
in the east. Of both we have already spoken previously ; 
here they come into consideration only so far as the Greek 
organisation, at least the urban, was probably introduced 
— as in the earlier, 1 so also in the imperial period — among 
these stocks only in a very limited measure. On the whole, 
an energetic impulse of urban development never pervaded 
the interior of Macedonia ; the more remote districts 
hardly reached — at least as to substance — beyond the vil- 

The Greek polity itself was not a spontaneous growth 
in this country, obeying a king, as it was in 
reek polity. jj e v| as p r0 per, but was introduced by the 
princes, who were more Hellenes than their subjects. 
What shape it had is little known ; yet the civic presi- 
dency of politarchs uniformly recurring in Thessalonica, 
Edessa, Lete, and not met with elsewhere, leads us to in- 
fer a perceptible, and indeed in itself probable, diversity 
of the Macedonian urban constitution from that elsewhere 
usual in Hellas. The Greek cities, which the Eomans 
found existing, retained their organisation and their 

1 The towns founded in these regions outside of Macedonia proper 
hear quite the character of colonies proper ; e.g. that of Philippi in 
the Thracian land, and especially that of Derriopusin Paeonia (Liv. 
xxxix. 53), for which latter place also the distinctively Macedonian 
politarchs have epigraphic attestation (inscription of the year 197 
A.D., twv 7rept J A\i^av8pov $L\'nnrov iu Aepploirai iro\lTapx<*>Vi Duchesne 

and Bayet, Mission au mont AtJws, p. 103). 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

rights ; Thessalonica, the most considerable of them, also 
freedom and autonomy. There existed a league and a 
diet (kolvov) of the Macedonian towns, similar to those in 
Achaia and Thessaly. It deserves mention, as an evidence 
of the continued working of the memories of the old and 
great times, that still in the middle of the third century 
after Christ the diet of Macedonia and individual Mace- 
donian towns issued coins on which, in place of the head 
and the name of the reigning emperor, came those of 
Alexander the Great. The pretty numerous colonies of 
Eoman burgesses which Augustus established in Mace- 
donia, Byllis not far from Apollonia, Dyrrachium on the 
Adriatic, on the other coast Dium, Pella, Cassandreia, in 
the region of Thrace proper Philippi, were all of them 
older Greek towns, which obtained merely a number of 
new burgesses and a different legal position, and were 
called into life primarily by the need of providing quarters 
in a civilised and not greatly populous province for Italian 
soldiers who had served their time, and for whom there 
was no longer room in Italy itself. The granting of 
Italian rights certainly took place only to gild for the 
veterans their settlement abroad. That it was never in- 
tended to draw Macedonia into the development of Italian 
culture is evinced, apart from all else, by the fact that 
Thessalonica remained Greek and the capital of the coun- 
try. By its side nourished Philippi, properly a mining 
town, constituted on account of the neighbouring gold 
mines, favoured by the emperors as the seat of the battle 
which definitively founded the monarchy, and on account 
of the numerous veterans who took part in it and subse- 
quently settled there. A Roman, not colonial, municipal 
constitution was obtained already in the first period of the 
empire by Stobi, the already mentioned most northerly 
frontier-town of Macedonia towards Moesia, at the conflu- 
ence of the Erigon with the Axius, in a commercial as in 
a military point of view an important position, and which, 
it may be conjectured, had already in the Macedonian 
time attained to Greek polity. 

Chap. VII.] Greek Europe. 


In an economic point of view little was done on the part 
of the state for Macedonia under the emper- 

Roads and levy. ors 5 at least tnere is no appearance of any 
special care on their part for this province, 
which was not put under their own administration. The 
military road already constructed under the republic right 
across the country from Dyrrachium to Thessalonica, one 
of the most important arteries of intercourse in the whole 
empire, called forth renewed effort, so far as we know, 
only from emperors of the third century, and first from 
Severus Antoninus ; the towns adjacent to it, Lychnidus on 
the Ochrida-lake and Heraclea Lyncestis (Bitolia), were 
never of much account. Yet Macedonia was, economi- 
cally, better situated than Greece. It far excelled it in 
fertility ; as still at present the province of Thessalonica 
is relatively well cultivated and well peopled, so in the de- 
scription of the empire from the time of Constantius, at 
all events when Constantinople was already in existence, 
Macedonia is reckoned among the specially wealthy dis- 
tricts. If for Achaia and Thessaly our documents con- 
cerning the Roman levy are absolutely silent, Macedonia 
on the other hand was drawn upon, in particular for the 
imperial guard, to a considerable extent, more strongly 
than the most of the Greek districts — on which, no doubt, 
the familiarity of the Macedonians with regular war- ser- 
vice and their excellent qualifications for it, and probably 
also the relatively small development of the urban system 
in this province, had an important bearing. Thessalonica, 
the metropolis of the province, and its most populous and 
most industrial town at this time, represented likewise 
under various forms in literature, has also secured to itself 
an honourable place in political history by the brave re- 
sistance which its citizens opposed to the barbarians in 
the terrible times of the Gothic invasions (p. 269). 

If Macedonia was a half-Greek, Thrace was a non- 
Greek land. Of the great but for us vanished Thracian 


Greek Eurojpi 

[Book VIII. 

stock we have formerly (p. 224) spoken. Into its domain 
Hellenism came simply from without ; and it 


will not be superfluous in the first instance 
to glance back and to set forth how often Hellenism had 
previously knocked at the gates of the most southerly 
region which this stock possessed, and which we still 
name after it, and how little it had hitherto penetrated into 
the interior, in order to make clear what was left for Eome 
here to overtake and what it did overtake. Philip, the 
father of Alexander, first subjected Thrace, and founded 
not merely Calybe in the neighbourhood of 
Alexander. Byzantium, but also in the heart of the land 
the town which thenceforth bore his name. 
Alexander, here too the precursor of Roman policy, arrived 
at and crossed the Danube, and made this stream the 
northern boundary of his empire ; the Thracians in his 
army played by no means the least part in the subjugation 
of Asia. After his death the Hellespont seemed as though 
it would become one of the great centres of the new for- 
mation of states, and the wide domain from thence to the 
Danube 1 as though it would become the northern half of a 
Greek empire, and would promise for the residence of Ly- 
simachus, the former governor of Thrace — the town of 
Lysimachia, newly established in the Thracian Chersonese 
— a like future as for the residences of the 
Lysimachus. mars ;h a i s f Syria and Egypt. But this result 
was not attained ; the independence of this kingdom did 
not survive the fall of its first ruler (281 b.c, 473 u.c.). 
In the century which elapsed from that time to the estab- 
lishment of the ascendancy of Rome in the East, attempts 
were made, sometimes by the Seleucids, sometimes by the 
Ptolemies, sometimes by the Attalids, to bring the Euro- 
pean possessions of Lysimachus under their 
Empire of power, but all of them without lasting result. 

The empire of Tylis in the Haemus, which 
the Celts not long after the death of Alexander, and nearly 

1 That for Lysimachus the Danube was the boundary of the em- 
pire, is evident from Pausanias, i. 9, G. 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


at the same time with their permanent settlement in 
Asia Minor, had founded in the Moeso-Thracian territory, 
destroyed the seed of Greek civilisation within its sphere, 
and itself succumbed during the Hannibalic war to the 
assaults of the Thracians, who extirpated these intruders 
to the last man. Thenceforth there was not in Thrace any 
leading power at all ; the relations subsisting between the 
Greek coast-towns and the princes of the several tribes, 
which would probably correspond approximately to those 
before Alexander's time, are illustrated by the description 
which Polybius gives of the most important of these 
towns : " Where the Byzantines had sowed, there the 
Thracian barbarians reaped, and against these neither the 
sword nor money is of avail ; if the citizens kill one of the 
princes, three others thereupon invade their territory, and, 
if they buy off one, five more demand the like annual 

The efforts on the part of the later Macedonian rulers to 
gain once more a firm footing in Thrace, and 
nfan r r JieS do in particular to bring under their power the 
Greek towns of the south coast, were opposed 
by the Komans, partly in order to keep down the develop- 
ment of Macedonia's power generally, partly in order not 
to allow the important " royal road " leading to the East 
— that along which Xerxes marched to Greece and the 
Scipios marched against Antiochus — to fall in all its extent 
into Macedonian hands. Already, after the battle at Cyno- 
scephalae, the frontier-line was drawn nearly such as it 
thenceforth remained. The two last Macedonian rulers 
made several attempts, either directly to establish them- 
selves in Thrace or to attach to themselves its individual 
rulers by treaties ; the last Philip even gained over Phil- 
ippopolis once more, and put into it a garrison, which, it 
is true, the Odrysae soon drove out afresh. Neither he 
nor his son succeeded in placing matters on a permanent 
footing ; and the independence conceded by Rome to the 
Thracians after the breaking up of Macedonia destroyed 
whatever Hellenic germs might still be left there. Thrace 


Greek Europe. [Rook VIII. 

itself became — in part already in the republican, and more 
decidedly in the imperial period — a Eoman vassal-princi- 
pality, and then in 46 a Koman province (p. 229) ; but 
the Hellenising of the land had not passed beyond the 
fringe of Greek colonial towns, which in the earliest period 
had been established round this coast, and in course of 
time had sunk rather than risen. Powerful and perma- 
nent as was the hold of Macedonian civilisation on the 
East, as weak and perishable was its contact with Thrace ; 
Philip and Alexander themselves appear to have reluct- 
antly undertaken, and to have but lightly valued, their 
settlements in this land. 1 Till far into the imperial period 
the land remained with the natives ; the Greek towns that 
were still left along the coast, almost all on the decline, 
remained without any Greek land in their rear. 

This belt of Hellenic towns stretching from the Mace- 
donian frontier to the Tauric Chersonese was 
Thrace and on of very unequal texture. In the south it was 
the Black sea. c j oge an( ^ com p ac t from Abdera onward to By- 
zantium on the Dardanelles ; yet none of these towns held 
a prominent position in later times with the exception 
of Byzantium, which through the fertility of its territory, 
its productive tunny fisheries, its uncommonly favourable 
position for trade, its industrial diligence, and the energy 
of its citizens — heightened merely and hardened by its ex- 
posed situation — was enabled to defy even the worst times 
of Hellenic anarchy. Far more scantily had the settle- 
ments developed themselves on the west coast of the Black 
Sea ; among those subsequently belonging to the Koman 
province of Thrace Mesembria alone was of some im- 
portance ; among those subsequently Moesian Odessus 

1 Calybe near Byzantium arose according to Strabo (vii. 6, 2, p. 
320) (piKiTTirov rod ^Afxvvrov rovs irovrfpordrovs ivravda ifipvaavTos. 
Philippopolis is alleged even according to the account of Theoponi- 
pus (fr. 122 Miiller) to have been founded as nownpSiroMs, and to 
have received colonists corresponding with that description. How- 
ever little these reports deserve trust, they yet in their coincidence 
express the Botany-Bay character of these foundations. 

Chap. VII] Greek Europe. 


(Varna) and Tomis (Kiistendje). Beyond the mouths of 
the Danube and the boundary of the Roman empire, on 
the northern shore of the Pontus, there lay amidst the 
barbarian land Tyra 1 and Olbia ; further on, the old and 
great Greek mercantile cities in what is now the Crimea 
— Heraclea or Chersonesus and Panticapaeum — formed a 
stately copestone. 

All these settlements enjoyed Eoman protection, after 

the Romans had become generally the leading 
protStSn man power on the Graeco-Asiatic continent ; and 

the strong arm, which often came down heav- 
ily on the Hellenic land proper, prevented here at least 
disasters like the destruction of Lysimachia. The protec- 
tion of these Greeks devolved in the republican period 
partly on the governor of Macedonia, partly on the gov- 
ernor of Bithynia, after this became Roman ; Byzantium 
subsequently remained with Bithynia. 2 We may add that 
in the imperial period, after the erection of the governor- 
ship of Moesia and subsequently of that of Thrace, the 
supplying of protection devolved on these. 

Protection and favour were granted by Rome to these 
Greeks from the first ; but neither the republic nor the 
earlier imperial period made efforts for the extension of 

1 Yet the northern Bessarabian line, which perhaps is Roman, 
reaches as far as Tyra (p. 245). 

2 That Byzantium was still in Trajan's time under the governor 
of Bithynia, follows from Plin. ad Trai. 43. From the congratula- 
tions of the Byzantines to the legates of Moesia we cannot infer 
their having belonged to this governorship, which from their situa- 
tion was hardly possible ; the relations to the governor of Moesia 
may be explained from the commercial connections of the city with 
the Moesian ports. That Byzantium was in the year 53 under the 
senate, and so did not belong to Thrace, is plain from Tacitus, Ann. 
xii. 62. Cicero {in Pis. 35, 86 ; de prov. cons. 4, 6) does not attest 
its having belonged to Macedonia under the republic, since the town 
was then free. This freedom seems, as in the case of Rhodes, to 
have been often given and often taken away. Cicero, I.e., ascribes 
freedom to it; in the year 53 it is tributary; Pliny {H. N. iv. 11, 
46) adduces it as a free city ; Vespasian withdraws its freedom (Sue- 
tonius, Vesp. 8). 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

Hellenism. 1 After Thrace had become Roman, it was di- 
vided into land-districts ; 2 and almost down to the end of 
the first century there is no record of the laying out of a 
town there, with the exception of two colonies of Claudius 
and Vespasian — Apri in the interior not far from Perinthus, 
and Deultus on the most northern coast. 8 Domitian be- 
gan by introducing the Greek urban constitu- 
rnd h o P the? olls tion into the interior, at first for the capital 
KriS of tne country, Philippopolis. Under Trajan 
a series of other Thracian townships obtained 
like civic rights ; Topirus not far from Abdera, Nicopolis 
on the Nestus, Plotinopolis on the Hebrus, Pautalia near 
Kostendil, Serdica now Sofia, Augusta Traiana near Alt- 
Zagora, a second Nicopolis on the northern slope of 

1 This is proved by the absence of coins of the Thracian inland 
towns, which could be assigned in metal and style to the older 
period. That a number of Thracian, especially Odrysian, princes 
coined in part even at a very early period, proves only that they 
ruled over places on the coast with a Greek or half-Greek popula- 
tion. A similar judgment must be formed as to the tetradrach- 
mae of the '* Thracians," which stand quite isolated (Sallet, Num. 
Zeitschrift, iii. 241). — The inscriptions also found in the interior of 
Thrace are throughout of Eoman times. The decree of a town 
not named found at Bessapara, now Tatar Bazarjik, to the west of 
Philippopolis, by Dumont (Inscr. de la Thrace, p. 7), is indeed as- 
signed to a good Macedonian time, but only from the character of 
the writing, which is perhaps deceptive. 

2 The fifty strategies of Thrace (Plin. H. N. iv. 11, 40 ; Ptolem. 

iii. 11, G) are not military districts, but, as is apparent with special 
clearness in Ptolemy, land- districts, which correspond with the 
tribes (a-T/wnjyi'a MatStK^ Bea-ffiK^ k. t. A..) and form a contrast to the 
towns. The designation a-rpaTrjySs has, just like praetor, lost subse- 
quently its original military value. Here perhaps the analogy of 
Egypt, which likewise was divided into urban domains under urban 
magistrates and into land-districts under strategoi, served primarily 
as a basis. A arpaT^ybs 'Acrrt/cf?* irepl Uepipdov from the Roman 
period occurs in JSJph. epigr. ii. p. 252. 

3 In Deultus, the colonia Flavia Pact's Deultensium, veterans of 
the eighth legion, were provided for (G. I. L. vi. 3828). Flaviopolis 
on the Chersonese, the old Coela, was certainly not a colony (Plin. 

iv. 11, 47), but belongs to the peculiar settlement of the imperial 
menials on this domanial possession {Epli. epigr. v. p. 83). 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek Europe. 


Haemus, 1 besides, on the coast, Traianopolis at the mouth 
of the Hebrus ; further, under Hadrian Adrianopolis, the 
modern Adrianople. All these towns were not colonies of 
foreigners but polities of Greek organisation, composed 
after the model set up by Augustus in the Epirot Nicop- 
olis ; it was a civilising and Hellenising of the province 
from above downwards. A Thracian diet existed thence- 
forth in Philippopolis just as in the properly Greek prov- 
inces. This last offshoot of Hellenism was not the weakest. 
The country was ' rich and charming — a coin of the town 
Pautalia praises the fourfold blessing of the ears of grain, 
of the grapes, of the silver, and of the gold ; and Philip- 
popolis as well as the beautiful valley of the Tundja were 
the home of rose-culture and of rose-oil — and the vigour 
of the Thracian type was not broken. Here was developed 
a dense and prosperous population ; we have already men- 
tioned the largeness of the levy in Thrace, and few terri- 
tories stand on an equality with Thrace at this epoch in 
the activity of the urban mints. When Philippopolis 
succumbed in the year 251 to the Goths (p. 260), it is said 
to have numbered 100,000 inhabitants. The energetic 
part taken by the Byzantines in favour of the emperor of 
the Greek East, Pescennius Niger, and the several years' 
resistance which the town even after his defeat opposed 
to the victor, show the resources and the courage of these 
Thracian townsmen. If the Byzantines here, too, suc- 
cumbed and lost even for a season their civic rights, the time, 
for which the rise of the Thracian land paved the way, was 

1 This town NikSwoKis y irepl Al/xov of Ptolem. iii. 11, 7, NikS-h-oKis 
■rrpbs "larpov of the coins, the modern Nikup on the Jantra, belongs 
to lower Moesia geographically, and, as the names of governors on 
the coins show, since Severus also administratively ; but not merely 
does Ptolemy adduce it in Thrace, but the places where the Ha- 
drianic terminal stones (C. I. L. iii. 749, comp. p. 992) are found, 
appear to assign it likewise to Thrace. As this Greek inland town 
fitted neither the Latin town-communities of lower Moesia nor the 
koivov of the Moesian Pontus, it was assigned at the first organising of 
the relations to the koivov of the Thracians. Subsequently it must, no 
doubt, have been attached to one or the other of those Moesian groups. 


Greek Europe. 

[Book VIII. 

soon to set in, when Byzantium should become the new Hel- 
lenic Eome and the chief residence of the remodelled empire. 

In the neighbouring province of lower Moesia a similar 
Lower m i development took place, although on a smaller 
scale. The Greek coast-towns, the metropolis 
of which, at least in the Koman period, was Tomis, were, 
probably on the constituting of the Eoman province of 
Moesia, grouped as the " Five-cities-league of the left shore 
of the Black sea," or as it was also called, " of the Greeks," 

To d th * S ' ^ e ^ ree ^- s °^ ^ s P rovm ce. Later there 

pontic Penta- was annexed to this league, as a sixth town, 
that of Marcianopolis, constructed by Trajan 
not far from the coast on the Thracian frontier, and or- 
ganised, like the Thracian towns, after the Greek model. 1 
We have already observed that the camp-towns on the 
bank of the Danube, and generally the townships called 

1 The Koivbu rfjs UevTanSyecos is found on an inscription of Odes- 
sus, G. I. Gr. 2056 c, which may fairly belong to the earlier im- 
perial period, the Pontic Hexapolis, on two inscriptions of Tomis 
probably of the second century a.d. (Marquardt, Staatsverw. i.' 2 p. 
305 ; Hirschfeld, Arch, epigr. Mitth. vi. 22). The Hexapolis in any 
case, and in accordance therewith probably also the Pentapolis, 
must have been brought into harmony with the Roman provincial 
boundaries, that is, must have included in it the Greek towns of 
lower Moesia. These are also found, if we follow the surest guides, 
— the coins of the imperial period. There were six mints (apart 
from Nicopolis, p. 306, note) in lower Moesia : Istros, Tomis, Cal- 
latis, Dionysopolis, Odessus, and Marcianopolis, and, as the last 
town was founded by Trajan, the Pentapolis is thereby explained. 
Tyra and Olbia hardly belonged to it ; at least the numerous and 
loquacious monuments of the latter town nowhere show any link of 
connection with this city-league. It is called koivov ru>v 'EAA^tw 
on an inscription of Tomis, printed in the Athenian Pandora of 1st 
June 1868 [and in Arte. Gr. Inscr. in the British Museum, ii. n. 
175] : 'Ayadrj tvxV' Kara ra Zb^avra rrj KpaT^arr) fiovXrj Kal ru> Aa/xivpo- 
TO.TQO Srj/xu} rr/s AafjLirpordTTjs p.7]TpoTr6Aews Kal & rod evcoi/unov ttovtov 
T6p.ecos rbv HovTapxv^ Aup. UpdarKiov hvviavbv &p^avra rov koivov twv 
'EAAyvcov Kal rrjs /a,7]tp[o]tt6\€(os tt[v d apxV ayvtos, Kal apx^pao-afj.evov, 
TTjv St '6trA.(av Kal Kwriyeffiow iuSS^ws (piAoreip.lav p.T] StaAtirnvra, a\\a Kal 
fiov\€vrr]u Kal twv irpuiTtvovruv (pAafiias Neas tt6\€ws } Kal tt\v apx i *P* lav 
ovp.fSiov avrov 'IouAicw < A.Tro\av<TTir\v irdcnjs retp.Tjs x&-? iV * 

Chap. VII.] Greek Europe. 335 

into life by Rome in the interior, were instituted after the 
Italian model ; lower Moesia was the only Roman province 
intersected by the linguistic boundary, inasmuch as the 
Tomitanian cities-league belonged to the Greek, the Danu- 
bian towns, like Durostorum and Oescus to the Latin, 
linguistic domain. In other respects essentially the same 
holds true of this Moesian cities-league, as was remarked 
regarding Thrace. We have a description of Tomis from 
the last years of Augustus, doubtless by one banished 
thither for punishment, but certainly true in substance. 
The population consists for the greater part of Getae and 
Sarmatae ; they wear, like the Dacians on Trajan's column, 
skins and trousers, long waving hair and unshorn beard, 
and appear in the street on horseback and armed with 
the bow, with the quiver on their shoulder, and the knife 
in their girdle. The few Greeks who are found among 
them have adopted the barbarian customs, including the 
trousers, and are able to express themselves as well or 
better in Getic than in Greek ; he is lost, who cannot 
make himself intelligible in Getic, and no man under- 
stands a word of Latin. Before the gates rove predatory 
bands of the most various peoples, and their arrows not 
seldom fly over the protecting city-walls ; he who ventures 
to till his field does it at the peril of his life, and ploughs 
in armour — at anyrate about the time of Caesar's dictator- 
ship ; on occasion of the raid of Burebista, the town had 
fallen into the hands of the barbarians, and a few years 
before that exile came to Tomis, during the Dalmato-Pan- 
nonian insurrection, the fury of war had once more raged 
over this region. The coins and the inscriptions of that 
city accord well with these accounts, in so far as the me- 
tropolis of the " left-Pontic cities-league " in the pre- 
Roman period coined no silver, which several other of 
these towns did ; and, in general, coins and inscriptions 
from the time before Trajan occur only in an isolated 
way. But in the second and third centuries it was re- 
modelled and may be termed a foundation of Trajan with 
very much the same warrant as Marcianopolis, which 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

likewise quickly attained to considerable development. 
The barrier formerly mentioned (p. 246) in the Dobrudscha 
served at the same time as a protecting wall for the town 
of Tom is. Behind this wall commerce and navigation were 
flourishing. There was in the town a society of Alexandrian 
merchants with its own chapel of Serapis ; 1 in municipal 
liberality and municipal ambition the town was inferior to 
no Greek town of middle size ; it was still even now bilin- 
gual, but in such a way that, alongside of the Greek language 
always retained on the coins, here on the border, where 
the two languages of the empire came into contact, the 
Latin is also often employed even in public monuments. 
Beyond the imperial frontier, between the mouths of 
the Danube and the Crimea, the Greek mer- 
chant had made few settlements on the coast ; 
there were here only two Greek towns of note, both 
founded in remote times by Miletus, Tyra at the mouth 
of the river of the same name, the modern Dniester, and 
Olbian on the bay into which the Borysthenes (Dnieper) 
and the Hypanis (Bug) fall. The forlorn position of these 
Hellenes amidst the barbarians pressing around them, in 
the time of the Diadochi as well as during the earlier rule 
of the Koman republic, has already been described (iii. 
341). The emperors brought help. In the year 56, and 
so in the exemplary beginning of Nero's government, 
Tyra was annexed to the province of Moesia. Of the 
more remote Olbia we possess a description 
from the age of Trajan ; 2 the town was still 
bleeding from its old wounds ; the wretched walls en- 

1 This is shown by the remarkable inscription in Allard {La Bul- 
garie orientate, Paris, 1863, p. 263) : &ea> ^ya\oo 2apa7r[ t 5i koI\ to7s 
avvvaois 6eo7s [ical tco av^TOKparopi T. Al\ico \A.$picw[a> A] vrwueivoo 2e- 
/3acn-c5 Eu<rej8[e7] kou M. 'AvpT)Aiu> Ovi]p(a Kalaapi Kapiricov 'Avovfiioovos tw 
ofrca> rcov 'AAe^avdpeooi' rbv fioofibv c/c ra>v idiwv dueOrjKev erovs /cy 5 [^U7jv5s] 
(pap/xovdl a iirl tepecvi/ \K\opvovrov rod Kal ^.apairlwvos \TloXi)\iJ.vov *rou icai 
Aoi>[yeivov]. The mariner's guild of Tomis meets us several times 
in the inscriptions of the town. 

2 Olbia, constantly assailed in war and often destroyed, suffered, 
according to the statement of Dio (Borsyth. p. 75, n.), about 150 

Chap. VII.] Greek Europe. 


closed equally wretched houses, and the quarter then in- 
habited filled but a small portion of the old considerable 
city-circuit, of which individual towers that were left stood 
far off in the desolate plain ; in the temples there was 
no statue of the gods which did not bear traces of the 
hands of the barbarians ; the inhabitants had not forgot- 
ten their Hellenic character, but they dressed and fought 
after the manner of the Scythians, with whom they were 
daily in conflict. Just as often as by Greek names, they 
designated themselves by Scythian, i.e., by those of Sar- 
matian stocks akin to the Iranians ; 1 in fact, in the royal 
house itself Sauromates was a common name. These 
towns were indebted doubtless for their very continued 
existence less to their own power than to the good-will 
or rather the self-interest of the natives. The tribes set- 
tled on this coast were neither in a position to carry on 
foreign trade from emporia of their own, nor could they 
dispense with it ; in the Hellenic coast- towns they bought 
salt, articles of clothing and wine, and the more civilised 

years before his time, i.e., somewhat before the year 100 A.D., 
and so probably in the expedition of Burebista (iv. 353), its last and 
most severe conquest (tV TsXevraiav not ixeyiar^v aXuaiv). ET\ov Se, 
Dio continues, /col TavTt)v Terai Kal ras &\Kas ras iv to?s aptcrepois rod 
U6vtov tt6\€is Me'xi 01 'AvoKKaovlas (Sozopolis or Sizebolu, the last Greek 
town of note on the Pontic west coast) ; oQev 52? koX crcpodpa raireiva ra 
irpdyfiara kclt4<ttt] tuv ravrv 'EWrivcav, rtou ix\v ovtceri (rvvoiKKrdeiffwv 
iroXeav, rav 8e (pavkcos 'koI tqov irXtlffroov fiapfidpow ets auras ffvppvivrwv. 
The young citizen of rank with a marked Ionic physiognomy, with 
whom Dio then meets, who has slain or captured numerous Sarma- 
tians, and though not acquainted with Phocylides, knows Homer 
by heart, wears mantle and trousers after the Scythian fashion, and 
a knife in his girdle. The townsmen all wear long hair and a long 
beard, and only one has shorn both, which is suspected in him as a 
token of servile attitude towards the Romans. Thus a century later 
matters there looked quite such as Ovid describes them at Tomis. 

1 Quite commonly the father has a Scythian name and the son a 
Greek, or conversely, e.g., an inscription of Olbia set up under 
or after Trajan (G. I. Or. 2074) records six strategoi, M. Ulpius 
Pyrrhus son of Arseuaches, Demetrios son of Xessagaros, Zoilos son 
of Arsakes, Badakes son of Radanpson, Epikrates son of Koxuros, 
Ariston son of Vargadakes. 


Greek Europe. 

[Book VIII. 

princes protected in some measure the strangers against 
the attacks of the barbarians proper. The earlier rulers 
of Eome must have had scruples at undertaking the diffi- 
cult protection of this remote settlement ; nevertheless 
Pius, when the Scythians once more besieged them, sent 
to them Koman auxiliary troops, and compelled the bar- 
barians to offer peace and furnish hostages. The town 
must have been incorporated directly with the empire by 
Sever us, from whom onward Olbia struck coins with the 
image of the Eoman rulers. As a matter of course this 
annexation extended only to the town-territories them- 
selves, and it never was intended to bring the barbarian 
dwellers around Tyra and Olbia under the Eoman sceptre. 
It has already been remarked (p. 258) that these towns 
were the first which, presumably under Alexander (f 235), 
succumbed to the incipient Gothic invasion. 

If the Greeks had but sparingly settled on the main 
land to the north of the Black Sea, the great 
Bosporus. peninsula projecting from this coast, the 
Tauric Chersonesus — the modern Crimea — had for long 
been in great part in their hands. Separated by the 
mountains, which the Taurians occupied, the two centres 
of the Greek settlement upon it were, at the western end 
the Doric free town of Heraclea or Chersonesus (Sebas- 
topol), at the eastern the principality of Panticapaeum 
or Bosporus (Kertch). King Mithradates had at the sum- 
mit of his power united the two, and here established for 
himself a second northern empire (iii. 342), which then, 
after the collapse of his power, was left as the only rem- 
nant of it to his son and murderer Pharnaces. When the 
latter, after the war between Caesar and Pompeius, at- 
tempted to regain his father's dominion in Asia Minor, 
Caesar had vanquished him (iv. 500), and declared him to 
have forfeited also the Bosporan empire. In the mean- 
. J while Asander, the governor left there by 

Asander. ' ° 47 

Pharnaces, had renounced allegiance to the 
king in the hope of acquiring the kingdom for himself by 
this service rendered to Caesar. When Pharnaces after 

Chap. VII.] Greek Europe. 339 

his defeat returned to his Bosporan kingdom, he at first 
indeed repossessed himself of his capital, but ultimately 
was worsted, and fell bravely fighting in the last battle — 
as a soldier, at least, not unequal to his father. The suc- 
cession was contested between Asander, who was in fact 
master of the land, and Mithradates of Pergamus, an able 
officer of Caesar, whom the latter had invested with the 
Bosporan principality ; both sought at the same time to 
lean for support on the dynasty heretofore ruling in the 
Bosporus and on the great Mithradates, inasmuch as 
Asander married Dynamis, the daughter of Pharnaces, 
while Mithradates, sprung from a Pergamene burgess- 
family, asserted that he was an illegitimate son of the 
great Mithradates Eupator — whether it was that this 
rumour determined the selection, or that it was put into 
circulation in order to justify it. As Caesar himself was 
called in the first instance to attend to more important 
tasks, arms decided between the legitimate and the ille- 
gitimate Caesarian, and once more in favour of the latter ; 
Mithradates fell in combat, and Asander remained master 
in the Bosporus. In the outset — without doubt, because 
he had not the confirmation of the lord-paramount — he 
avoided assuming the name of king, and contented him- 
self with the title of archon, borne by the older princes of 
Panticapaeum ; but he soon procured, probably even from 
Caesar himself, the confirmation of his rule and the royal 
title.' At his death (737-738 u.c.) he left his kingdom to 
1716 his wife Dynamis. So strong was still the 

power of hereditary succession and of the 
name of Mithradates, that both a certain Scribonianus, 

1 As Asander reckoned his archonship probably from the very 
time of bis revolt from Pharnaces, and so from the summer of 
47. 707, and assumes the royal title already in the fourth 

year of his reign, this year may warrantably be put 
45-4. in the autumn 709-710, and the confirmation have thus 

been the work of Caesar. Antonius cannot well have 
42. bestowed it, as he only came to Asia at the end of 712 ; 

still less can we tbink of Augustus, whom the pseudo- 
Lucian (Macrob. 15) names, interchanging father and son. 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

who first attempted to occupy Asarider's place, and after 
him king Polemon of Pontus, to whom Au- 

Polemon. . . 

gustus promised the Bosporan kingdom, con- 
joined with the taking up of the dominion a marriage- 
alliance with Dynamis ; moreover, the former asserted 
that he was himself a grandson of Mithradates, while king 
Polemon, soon after the death of Dynamis, married a 
granddaughter of Antonius, and consequently a kins- 
woman of the imperial house. After his early death — he 
fell in conflict with the Aspurgiani on the Asiatic coast — 
his children under age did not succeed him ; and even 
with his grandson of the same name, whom the emperor 
Gaius reinstated, notwithstanding his boyish age, in the 
year 38, into the two principalities of his father, the 
Bosporan kingdom did not long remain. In his place 
the emperor Claudius called a real or alleged descendant 
of Mithradates Eupator, and in this house, apparently, 
the principality thenceforth continued. 1 

1 Mithradates, whom Claudius in the year 41 made king of Bos- 
porus, traced back his descent to Eupator (Dio, lx. 8 ; Tacitus, 
Ann. xii. 18), and he was followed by his brother Cotys (Tacitus, 
I.e.). Their father was called Aspurgus (G. 1. Or. ii. p. 95), but 
need not on that account have been an Aspurgian (Strabo, xi. 2, 
19, p. 415). Of a subsequent change of dynasty there is no men- 
tion ; king Eupator in the time of Pius (Lucian, Alex. 57 ; vita Pii> 
9) points to the same house. Probably, we may add, these later 
Bosporan kings, as well as the immediate successors of Polemon 
not even known to us by name, stood in relations of affinity to the 
Polemonids, as indeed the first Polemon himself had as his wife a 
granddaughter of Eupator. The Thracian royal names, such as 
Cotys and Rhascuporis, which are common in the Bosporan royal 
house, connect themselves doubtless with the son-in-law of Pole- 
mon, the Thracian king Cotys. The appellation Sauromates, which 
frequently occurs after the end of the first century, has doubtless 
arisen through intermarriage with Sarmatian princely houses, but, 
of course, does not prove that those who bore it were themselves 
Sarmatians. If Zosimus, i. 31, blames the petty and unworthy 
princes who attained to government after the extinction of the old 
royal family, for the fact that the Goths under Valerian could 
carry out their piratical expeditions in Bosporan ships, this may be 
correct, and in the first instance Pharnaces may be meant, of whom 

Chap. VII.] Greek Europe. 341 

While in the Roman state elsewhere the dependent 
principality disappears after the end of the 
The Eupatonds. dynasty, and from Trajan's time the 
principle of direct government is carried out 
the Bospo- through the whole extent of the Roman em- 
pire, the Bosporan kingdom subsisted under 
Roman supremacy down to the fourth century. It was 
only after the centre of gravity of the empire was shifted 
to Constantinople that this state became merged in the 
empire at large, 1 in order to be soon thereafter abandoned 
by it and to become, at least in greater part, the prey of 
the Huns. 2 The Bosporus, however, in reality was and 
continued to be more a town than a kingdom, and had 
more similarity with the town-districts of Tyra and Olbia 
than with the kingdoms of Cappadocia and Numidia. 
Here, too, the Romans protected only the Hellenic town 
Panticapaeum, and did not aim at enlargement of the 
bounds and subjugation of the interior any more than in 
Tyra and Olbia. To the domain of the prince of Panti- 
capaeum belonged the Greek settlements of Theudosia on 
the peninsula itself, and Phanagoria (Taman) on the oppo- 

there are coins from the years 254 and 255. But even these, 
too, are marked with the image of the Roman emperor, and later 
there are again found the old family names (all the Bosporan kings 
are Tiberii Julii), and the old surnames, such as Sauromates and 
Rhascuporis. Taken as a whole, the old traditions as well the Ro- 
man protectorate were still at that time here retained. 

1 The last Bosporan coin is of the year 631, of the Achaemenid 
era, a.d. 335; this is certainly connected with the installation, 
which falls in this very year, of Hanniballianus, the nephew of 
Constantine I., as " king," although this kingdom embraced chiefly 
the east of Asia Minor, and had as its capital Caesarea in Cappa- 
docia. After this king and his kingdom had perished in the 
bloody catastrophe after Constantine' s death, the Bosporus was 
placed directly under Constantinople. 

2 The Bosporus was still in Roman possession in the year 366 
(Ammianus, xxvi. 10, 6) ; soon afterwards the Greeks on the north 
shore of the Black Sea must have been left to themselves, until Jus- 
tinian reoccupied the peninsula (Procopius, Bell. Goth. iv. 5). In 
the interval Panticapaeum perished under the assaults of the Huns. 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

site Asiatic coast, but not Cher son esus 1 — or at least only 
somewhat as Athens belonged to the province of the 
governor of Achaia. The town had obtained autonomy 
from the Romans, and saw in the prince its immediate 
protector, not its sovereign ; as a free town, too, in the 
imperial period, it never coined with the stamp either of 
king or emperor. On the mainland, not even the town 
which the Greeks called Tanais — a stirring emporium at 
the mouth of the Don, but hardly a Greek foundation — 
stood permanently under subjection to the Roman vassal- 
princes. 2 Of the more or less barbarian tribes on the 
peninsula itself, and on the European and Asiatic coast 
southward from Tanais, probably only the nearest stood 
in a fixed relation of dependence. 3 

1 The coins of the town Chersonesns from the imperial period 
have the legend X.epaourj<rov iheudepas, once even j3a<nA.euoucr7js, and 
neither name nor head of king or emperor (A. v. Sallet, Zeitschrift 
fur Num. i. 27 ; iv. 273). The independence of the town evi- 
dences itself also in the fact that it coins in gold no less than the 
kings of the Bosporus. As the era of the town appears correctly 
fixed at the year 36 B.C. (G. I. Or. n. 8621), in which freedom was 
conferred upon it presumably by Antonius, the gold coin of the 
" ruling city " dated from the year 109 was struck in 75 a.d. 

2 According to Strabo's representation (xi. 2, 11, p. 495) the rulers 
of Tanais stand independently by the side of those of Panticapae- 
um, and the tribes to the south of the Don depend sometimes on 
the latter, sometimes on the former ; when he adds that several of 
the Panticapaean princes ruled as far as Tanais, and particularly the 
last, Pharnaces, Asander, Polemon, this seems more exception than 
rule. In the inscription quoted in the next note the Tanaites 
stand among the subject stocks, and a series of Tanaitic inscrip- 
tions confirms this for the time from Marcus to Gordian ; but 
the "EAA.7jj/es /cat Tavaeirai alongside of the apxovTes TavaeiTuv and of 
the frequently mentioned J&Wrjudpxai confirm the view that the 
town even then remained non-Greek. 

3 In the only vivid narrative from the Bosporan history which we 
possess, that of Tacitus, Ann. xii. 15-31, concerning the two rival 
brothers, Mithradates and Cotys, the neighbouring tribes, the 
Dandaridae, Siracae, Aorsi, are under rulers of their own not 
legally dependent on the Roman prince of Panticapaeum. — As to 
titles, the older Panticapaean princes are wont to call themselves 
archons of the Bosporus, that is, of Panticapaeum, and of Theu- 

Chap. VII. ] 

Greek Europe. 

The territory of Panticapaeum was too extensive and too 
important, especially for mercantile intercourse, 
tfolfof the° sl to be left like Olbia and Tyra to the adminis- 
Bosporus. tration of changing municipal officials and a far 
distant governor ; therefore it was entrusted to hereditary 
princes — a course further recommended by the circum- 
stance that it might not seem advisable to transfer directly 
to the empire the relations which this region sustained to 
the surrounding tribes. The rulers of the Bosporan house, 
in spite of their Achaemenid pedigree and their Achae- 
menid mode of reckoning time, felt themselves thoroughly 
as Greek princes, and traced back their origin, after the 
good Hellenic fashion, to Herakles and the Eumolpids. 
The dependence of these Greeks on Kome — the royal in 
Panticapaeum, as the republican in Chersonesus — was im- 
plied in the nature of things, and they never thought of 
rising against the protecting arm of the empire ; if once, 
under the emperor Claudius, the Koman troops had to 
march against an insubordinate prince of the Bosporus, 1 

dosia, and kings of the Sindi and of all the Maitae and other non- 
Greek tribes. In like manner what is, so far as I know, the oldest 
among the royal inscriptions of the Roman epoch names Aspurgos, 
son of Asandrochos (Stephani, Gomptes rendus de la comm. pour 
1886, p. 128), as fiaffiXevovTa iravrhs Booairopov, Qeodoaljjs koL 2tV8a>j/ 
nal Ma'iT&v /ecu Topercov Wrjo-oov re Kal Tavaen&v viroTci(ravTa ^icvOas Ka\ 
Tavpovs. No inference as to the extent of the territory may be 
drawn from the simplified title. — In the inscriptions of the later 
period there is found once under Trajan the doubtless adulatory 
title fia.<Ti\€vs jSacrtAeW /xeyas rod iravrbs Bootriropov (G. I. Gr. 2123). 
The coins generally, from Asander onward, know no title but 
fiaciXets, while yet Pharnaces calls himself /8c«nA.ei/s $ao-i\4<»v [xeyas. 
Beyond doubt this was the effect of the Roman sovereignty, with 
which a vassal-prince placed over other princes was not very com- 

1 This was the king Mithradates, installed by Claudius in the year 
41, who some years afterwards was deposed and replaced by his 
brother Cotys ; he lived afterwards in Rome, and perished in the 
confusions of the four-emperor-year (Plutarch, Galba, 13, 15). The 
state of the matter, however, is not clear either from the hints in 
Tacitus, Ann. xii. 15 (comp. Plin. H. N. vi. 5, 17), or from the re- 
port (confused by the interchange of the two, Mithradates of Bos- 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

yet withal this region itself, amidst the fearful confusion in 
the middle of the third century, which especially affected 
it, never broke away from the empire even when it was 
falling to pieces. 1 The prosperous merchant-towns, per- 
manently in need of military protection amidst a flux of 
barbaric peoples, held to Borne as the advanced posts to 
the main army. The garrison was doubtless chiefly raised 
in the land itself, and to create and manage it was beyond 
doubt the main task of the king of the Bosporus. The 
coins, which were struck on occasion of the investiture of 
such a king, exhibit doubtless the curule chair 1 and the 
other honorary presents usual at such investiture, but also 
by their side shield, helmet, sword, battle-axe, and war- 
horse ; it was no peaceful office which this prince under- 
took. The first of them, whom Augustus appointed, fell 
in conflict with the barbarians, and of his successors, e.g. 
king Sauromates, son of Ehoemetalces, fought in the first 

porus, and Mithradates of Iberia) in Petrus Patricius fr. 3. The 
Chersonese tales in the late Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, de adm. 
imp. c. 53, do not, of course, come into account. The bad Bosporan 
king Sauromates, KpivicowSpov (not V-qanoirSpov) viSs, who with the Sar- 
matians wages war against the emperors Diocletian and Constantius, 
as well as against the Chersonese faithful to the empire, has evident- 
ly arisen from a confusion of names between the Bosporan king and 
people; and just as historical as the variation on the history of 
David and Goliath, is the despatch of the mighty king of the Bos- 
porans, Sauromates, by the small Chersonesite Pharnaces. The 
kings' names alone, e.g. besides those named, the Asander, who 
comes in after the extinction of the family of the Sauromatae, suf- 
fice. The civic privileges and the localities of the city, for the ex- 
planation of which these mirabilia are invented, certainly deserve 

1 There are no Bosporan gold or pseudo-gold coins without the 
head of the Roman emperor, and this is always that of the ruler 
recognised by the Roman senate. That in the years 263 and 265, 
when in the empire elsewhere after the captivity of Valerian Gal- 
lienus was officially regarded as sole ruler, two heads here appear on 
the coins, is perhaps due only to want of information; yet the Bos- 
porans may at that time have made another choice amid the many 
pretenders. The names are at this time not appended, and the 
effigies are not to be certainly distinguished. 

Chap. VII.] 

Greek, Europe. 


years of Severus with the Siracae and the Scythians — per- 
haps it was not quite without reason that he stamped his 
coins with the feats of Herakles. By sea, too, he had to 
be active, especially in keeping down the piracy which never 
ceased in the Black Sea (p. 262) ; that Sauromates likewise 
is credited with having brought the Taurians to order and 
chastised piracy. Boman troops, however, were also sta- 
tioned in the peninsula, perhaps a division of the Pontic 
fleet, certainly a detachment of the Moesian army ; their 
presence even in small numbers showed to the barbarians 
that the dreaded legionary stood behind these Greeks. In 
another way still the empire protected them ; at least in 
the later period there were regularly paid from the im- 
perial chest to the princes of the Bosporus sums of money, 
of which they stood in need, in so far as the buying off of 
the hostile incursions by stated annual payments probably 
became a standing practice here — in what was not directly 
territory of the empire — still earlier than elsewhere. 1 
That the centralization of the government had its ap- 
plication also in reference to this prince, and 
va?i1- p n ri°nce his he stood to the Koman Caesar on a footing 
not much different from that of the burgo- 
master of Athens, is in various ways apparent ; it deserves 
mention that king Asander and the queen Dynamis struck 
gold coins with their name and their effigy, whereas king 
Polemon and his immediate successors, while retaining the 
right of coining gold, seeing that this territory as well as 
the adjoining barbarians were for long accustomed ex- 
clusively to gold currency, were induced to furnish their 
gold pieces with the name and the image of the reigning 
emperor. In like manner from Polemon 's time the prince 
of this land was at the same time the chief priest for life 
of the emperor and of the imperial house. In other re- 

1 This we may be allowed to believe at the hands of the Scythian 
Toxaris in the dialogue placed among those of Lucian (c. 44) ; for 
the rest he narrates not merely pvOois o/xoia, but a very myth, of 
whose kings Leucanor and Eubiotes the coins, as may well be con- 
ceived, have no knowledge. 


Greek Europe. [Book VIII. 

spects the administration and the court retained the forms 
introduced under Mithradates after the model of the Per- 
sian grand monarchy, although the chief secretary (dpxt- 
ypaixfxaTevs) and the chief chamberlain (ap^i/con-aWT^s) of 
the court of Panticapaeum stood related to the leading 
court-officers of the great kings, as the enemy of the Ko- 
mans Mithradates Eupator to his descendant Tiberius 
Julius Eupator, who, on account of his claim to the Bos- 
poran throne, appeared as a suitor at Kome at the bar of 
the emperor Pius. 

This northern Greece remained valuable for the empire 
on account of its commercial relations. Though 
merce in the these at this epoch were doubtless less impor- 
Bospoms. ^ aj ^ £k an i n ear ii er times, 1 yet the mercantile 

intercourse continued very lively. In the Augustan pe- 
riod the tribes of the steppes brought slaves and skins, 2 
the merchants of civilization articles of clothing, wine, and 
other luxuries to Tanais ; in a still higher degree Phana- 
goria was the depot for the exports of the natives, Panti- 
capaeum for the imports of the Greeks. Those troubles 
in the Bosporus in the Claudian age were a severe blow 
for the merchants of Byzantium. That the Goths began 
their piratic voyages in the third century by pressing the 
Bosporan vessels to lend them involuntary aid, has been 
already mentioned (p. 264). It was doubtless in conse- 
quence of this traffic, indispensable for the barbarian 
neighbours themselves, that the citizens of Chersonesus 
maintained their ground even after the withdrawal of the 
Boman garrisons, and were able subsequently — when in 
Justinian's time the power of the empire once more as- 
serted itself in this direction — to return as Greeks into the 
Greek empire. 

1 As respects the export of grain, the notice in the report of Plau- 
tius (p. 236), deserves attention. 

2 From the offer of a township of the Siracae (on the Sea of Azoff) 
hard pressed by the Roman troops to deliver 10,000 slaves (Tacitus, 
Ann. xii. 17), it may be allowable to infer a lively import of slaves 
from these regions. 



The great peninsula which is washed on three sides by 
the three seas, the Black, the Aegean, and the Mediterra- 
nean, and which is connected towards the east with the 
Asiatic continent proper, will, so far as it belongs to the 
frontier-territory of the empire, be dealt with in the next 
section, which treats of the region of the Euphrates and the 
relations between the Komans and Parthians. Here we 
have to set forth the peaceful relations, more especially of 
the western districts, under the imperial government. 

The original, or at any rate pre-Greek, population of 
these wide regions held its ground in many 
^ e coi?nisL and places to a considerable extent down to the 
imperial period. The greatest part of Bithy- 
nia certainly belonged to the formerly discussed Thra- 
cian stock ; Phrygia, Lydia, Cilicia, Cappadocia, show very 
manifold and not easily unravelled survivals of older lin- 
guistic epochs, which in various forms reach down to the 
Eoman period ; strange names of gods, men, and places 
meet us everywhere. But, so far as our view reaches — 
and it is but seldom allowed to penetrate here very deeply 
— these elements appear only losing ground and waning, 
essentially as a negation of civilisation or — what seems to 
us here at least to coincide with it — Hellenising. We shall 
return at the fitting place to the individual groups of this 
category ; so far as concerns the historical development of 
Asia Minor in the imperial period there were but two 
active nationalities, the two which were the last immi- 
grants, the Hellenes in the beginnings of the historical 
period, and the Celts during the troublous times of the 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

The history of the Hellenes of Asia Minor, so far as it 
forms a part of Roman history, has already 
]?nS?u?tufe el "been set forth. In the remote age, when the 
coasts of the Mediterranean were first navi- 
gated and settled, and the world began to be apportioned 
among the progressive nations at the expense of those left 
behind, the flood of Hellenic emigration had poured no 
doubt over all the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, but 
yet no where — not even towards Italy and Sicily, — in so 
broad a stream as over the Aegean Sea rich in islands, and 
the adjacent charming coast of anterior Asia rich in har- 
bours. Thereafter the west-Asiatic Greeks themselves had 
taken an active part, above all the rest, in the further con- 
quest of the world, and had helped to settle from Miletus 
the coasts of the Black, and from Phocaea and Cnidus 
those of the Western, Sea. In Asia Hellenic civilisation 
doubtless laid hold of the inhabitants of the interior, the 
Mysians, Lydians, Carians, Lycians ; and even the Per- 
sian great power remained not unaffected by it. But the 
Hellenes themselves possessed nothing but the fringe of 
coast, including at the utmost the lower course of the 
larger rivers and the islands. They were not able here to 
gain continental conquests and a power of their own by 
land overagainst the powerful native princes ; moreover 
the interior of Asia Minor, highlying and in great part 
but little capable of cultivation, was not so attractive for 
settlement as the coasts, and the communications of the 
latter with the interior were difficult. Essentially in con- 
sequence of this, the Asiatic Hellenes attained still less than 
the European to inward union and to great power of their 
own, and early learned submissiveness in presence of the 
lords of the continent. The national Hellenic idea first 
came to them from Athens ; they became its allies only 
after the victory, and did not remain so in the hour of 
danger. What Athens had wished to provide, and had not 
been able to furnish for these clients of the nation, was 
accomplished by Alexander ; Hellas he was obliged to con- 
quer, Asia Minor saw in the conqueror simply its deliverer. 

Chap. VIII.] 

Asia Minor. 


Alexander's victory in fact not merely made Asiatic 

Hellenism secure, but opened up for it a wide, 
ttewcentres? f almost boundless, future ; in the process of 

continental settlement, which, in contrast to 
the merely littoral, marked this second stage of Hellenic 
world-conquest, Asia Minor took part to a considerable 
extent. Yet of the great centres for the newly formed 
states there was none that came to the old Greek towns 
of the coast. 1 The new period required new formations in 
general, and above all, new towns, to serve at once as 
Greek royal residences and as centres of populations 
hitherto non-Greek, that were to be brought to Greek 
habits. The great political development moves around 
the towns of royal foundation and of royal name, Thes- 
salonica, Antioch, Alexandria. With their masters the 
Roman had to contend ; the possession of Asia Minor they 
gained almost throughout, as a man gets an estate from 
relations or friends, by bequest in a testament ; and, how- 
ever heavy was the burden at times of Eoman government 
on the regions thus acquired, there was not added here 
the sting of foreign rule. Doubtless the Achaemenid 
Mithradates confronted the Romans in Asia Minor with a 
national opposition, and the Roman misrule drove the 
Hellenes into his arms ; but the Hellenes themselves never 
undertook anything similar. Therefore there is little to 
be told of this great, rich, and important possession in a 
political respect ; and all the less, inasmuch as what has 
been remarked in the previous section concerning the 
national relations of the Hellenes generally to the Romans 
holds good in substance also for those of Asia Minor. 
The Roman administration of Asia Minor was never 

organised in a systematic way, but the seve- 
of h lS°Mki?r. ra l territories were, just as they came to the 

empire, established without material change 
of their limits as Roman administrative districts. The 
1 Had the state of Lysimachus endured it would probably have 
been otherwise. His foundations, Alexandria in the Troad and Lysi- 
machia, Ephesos-Arsinoe strengthened by the transference of the in- 
habitants of Colophon and Lebedos, tended in the direction indicated. 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

states which king Attalus HI. of Pergamus bequeathed to 
the Romans, formed the province of Asia ; those of king 
Nicomedes, which likewise fell to them by inheritance, 
formed the province of Bithynia ; the territory taken from 
Mithradates Eupator formed the province of Pontus united 
with Bithynia. Crete was occupied by the Romans on 
occasion of the great war with the pirates ; Cyrene, which 
may also be mentioned here, was taken over by them 
according to the last will of its ruler. The same legal 
title gave to the republic the island of Cyprus ; to which 
was here added the need for the suppression of piracy. 
This had also laid a basis for the formation of the govern- 
orship of Cilicia ; the land was annexed to Rome com- 
pletely by Pompeius at the same time with Syria, and the 
two were administered jointly during the first century. 
Possession of all these lands was already acquired by the 
republic. In the imperial period a number of territories 
were added, which had formerly belonged but indirectly 
25. to the empire : in 729 u.c. the kingdom of Ga- 

latia, with which there had been united a part 

of Phrygia, Lycaonia, Pisidia, and Pamphylia ; 

in 747 u.c. the lordship of king Deiotarus, 
son of Castor, which embraced Gangra in Paphlagonia 
and probably also Amasia and other neighbouring places ; 
in 17 a.d. the kingdom of Cappadocia ; in 43 the territory 
of the confederation of the Lycian towns ; in 63 the north- 
east of Asia Minor from the valley of the Iris to the Ar- 
menian frontier ; Lesser Armenia and some smaller prin- 
cipalities in Cilicia probably by Vespasian. Thereby the 
direct imperial administration was carried out throughout 
Asia Minor. As dependent principalities, there remained 
only the Tauric Bosporus, of which we have already spoken, 
and Great Armenia, of which the next section will treat. 
When, on the introduction of the imperial government, 

the administrative partition was made between 
imperial gov- it and that of the senate, the whole territory of 

Asia Minor, so far as it was at that time di- 
rectly under the empire, fell to the latter body ; the island 

Chap. VIII.] 

Asia Minor. 


of Cyprus, which at first had come under imperial admin- 
istration, was likewise transferred, a few years later, to the 
senate. Thus arose the four senatorial governorships of 
Asia, Bithynia and Pontus, Cyprus, Crete and Cyrene. 
Only Cilicia, as part of the Syrian province, was placed at 
first under imperial administration. But the territories 
that subsequently came to be directly administered as parts 
of the empire were here, as throughout the empire, placed 
under imperial governors ; thus even under Augustus 
there was formed from the inland districts of the Galatian 
kingdom the province of Galatia, and the coast district of 
Pamphylia was assigned to another governor, under which 
latter Lycia was also placed under Claudius. Moreover 
Cappadocia became an imperial governorship under Ti- 
berius. Cilicia also naturally remained, when it obtained 
governors of its own, under imperial administration. 
Apart from the fact that Hadrian exchanged the important 
province of Bithynia and Pontus for the unimportant Lyco- 
Pamphylian one, this arrangement remained in force, un- 
til toward the end of the third century the senatorial share 
in administration generally was, with the exception of 
some slight remnants, superseded. The frontier was in 
the first period of the empire formed throughout by the 
dependent principalities ; after their annexation the im- 
perial frontier did not, apart from Cyrene, touch any of 
these administrative districts, excepting only the Cappa- 
docian, so far as to this at that time was apportioned also 
the north-eastern border-district as far as Trapezus ; 1 and 

1 Nowhere have the boundaries of the vassal states and even of the 
provinces changed more than in the north-east of Asia Minor. Di- 
rect imperial administration was introduced here for the districts of 
king Polemon, to which Zela, Neocaesarea, Trapezus belonged, in 
the year 63 ; for Lesser Armenia, we do not know exactly when, 
probably at the beginning of the reign of Vespasian. The last vassal 
king of Lesser Armenia, of whom there is mention, was the Hero- 
dian Aristobulus (Tacitus, Ann. xiii. 7, xiv. 26 ; Josephus, Ant. 
xx. 8, 4), who still possessed it in the year 60 ; in the year 75 the 
district was Roman (O. I. L. iii. 306), and probably one of the 
legions garrisoning Cappadocia from Vespasian's time was stationed 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

even this governorship bordered not with the foreign land 
proper, but in the north with the dependent tribes on the 
Phasis, and farther on with the vassal-kingdom of Armenia, 
which belonged de jure and in more than one sense de 
facto to the empire. 

In order to gain a conception of the condition and the 
development of Asia Minor in the first three centuries of 
one era, so far as this is possible in the case of a country 
as to which we have no direct historical tradition, we 
must, looking to the conservative character of the Eoman 
provincial governmeDt, begin with the older territorial di- 
visions and the previous history of the several regions. 
The province of Asia was the old kingdom of the Atta- 
lids, the west of Asia Minor as far north as 
the Bithynian and as far south as the Lycian 
frontier ; the eastern districts at first separated from it, 
the Great Phrygia, had already in the republican period 
been again attached to it (iii. 331), and the province 
thenceforth reached as far as the country of the Galatians 
and the Pisidian mountains. Rhodes too and the other 
smaller islands of the Aegean Sea belonged to this prov- 
ince. The original Hellenic settlement had, besides the 
islands and the coast proper, occupied also 
tow e ns° ast " the lower valleys of the larger rivers ; Mag- 
nesia on the Sipylus, in the valley of the 
Hermus, the other Magnesia and Tralles in the valley of 

from the first in the Lesser- Armenian Satala. Vespasian combined 
the regions mentioned, as well as Galatia and Cappadocia, into one 
large governorship. At the end of the reign of Domitian we find 
Galatia and Cappadocia separated and the north-eastern provinces 
attached to Galatia. Under Trajan at first the whole district is once 
more in one hand, subsequently (HJph. Ep. V. n. 1345) it is divided 
in such a way that the north-east coast belongs to Cappadocia. On 
that footing it remained, at least in so far that Trapezus and so also 
Lesser Armenia were thenceforth constantly under this governor. 
Consequently — apart from a short interruption under Domitian — 
the legate of Galatia had nothing to do with the defence of the 
frontier, and this, as was implied in the nature of the case, was al- 
ways combined with the command of Cappadocia and of its legions. 

Chap. VIII.] 

Asia Minor. 


the Maeander, had already before Alexander been founded 
as Greek towns, or had at any rate become such ; the 
Carians, Lydians, Mysians, became early at least half 
Hellenes. The Greek rule, when it set in, found not 
much to do in the coast districts ; Smyrna, which cen- 
turies before had been destroyed by the barbarians of the 
interior, rose at that time from its ruins, in order speedily 
to become one of the first stars in the brilliant belt of the 
cities of Asia Minor ; and if the rebuilding of Ilion at the 
sepulchral mound of Hector was more a work of piety than of 
policy, the laying out of Alexandria on the coast of the Troas 
was of enduring importance. Pergamus in the valley of 
the Caicus flourished as the court-residence of the Attalids. 
In the great work of Hellenising the interior of this pro- 
vince in keeping with the intentions of Alex- 
ander, all the Hellenic governments, Lysim- 
achus, the Seleucids, the Attalids vied with each other. 
The details of the foundations have disappeared from 
our tradition still more than the warlike events of the 
same epoch ; we are left dependent mainly on the names 
and the surnames of the towns ; but even these suffice 
to make known to us the general outlines of this activ- 
ity continuing for centuries, and yet homogeneous and 
throughout conscious of its aim. A series of inland town- 
ships, Stratonicea in Caria, Peltae, Blaundus, Docimeium, 
Cadi in Phrygia, the Mysomacedonians in the district of 
Ephesus, Thyatira, Hyrcania, Nacrasa in the region of the 
Hermus, the Ascylaces in the district of Adramytium, are 
designated in documents or other credible testimonies as 
cities of the Macedonians ; and these notices are of a na- 
ture so accidental, and the townships in part so unimpor- 
tant, that the like designation certainly extends to a great 
number of other settlements in this region ; and we may 
infer an extensive settling of Greek soldiers in the dis- 
tricts indicated, probably connected with the protection 
of anterior Asia against the Galatians and Pisidians. If, 
moreover, the coins of the considerable Phrygian town 
Synnada combine with the name of their city that of the 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

Ionians and the Dorians as well as that of the common 
Zeus (Zevs 7rai/8ry/x,os), one of the Alexandrids must have 
summoned the Greeks in common to settle there ; and the 
summons was certainly not confined to this single town. 
The numerous towns, chiefly of the interior, the names 
of which are traceable to the royal houses of the Seleucids 
or the Attalids, or which have otherwise Greek names, 
need not here be adduced ; there are found in particular 
among the towns certainly founded or reorganised by the 
Seleucids several that were in later times the most flour- 
ishing and most civilised in the interior, e.g. in southern 
Phrygia Laodicea, and above all Apamea, the old Celaenae 
on the great military road from the west coast of Asia 
Minor to the middle Euphrates, already in the Persian 
period the entrepot for this traffic, and under Augustus, 
next to Ephesus, the most considerable city of the pro- 
vince of Asia. Although every case of assigning a Greek 
name is not to be connected with a settlement by Greek 
colonists, we may be allowed at any rate to reckon a con- 
siderable portion of these townships among Greek colonies. 
But even the urban settlements of non-Greek origin, which 
the Alexandrids found in existence, turned of themselves 
into the paths of Hellenising, as indeed the residence of 
the Persian governor, Sardes, was organised even by Alex- 
ander himself as a Greek commonwealth. 

This urban development was 'completed when the 
Eomans entered upon the rule of interior 

Its position A 

under the Asia ; they themselves did not make special 
exertions to promote it. That a great number 
of the urban communities in the eastern half of the pro- 
g4 vince reckon their years from that of the city 

670, is due to the fact that then, after the close 
of the Mithradatic war, these districts were brought by 
Sulla under direct Koman administration (iii. 376) ; these 
townships did not receive city-rights only then for the 
first time. Augustus occupied the town of Parium on 
the Hellespont and the already-mentioned Alexandria in 
Troas with veterans of his army, and assigned to both the 

Chap. VIII.] 

Asia Minor. 


rights of Roman burgess-communities ; the latter was 
thenceforth in Greek Asia an Italian island like Corinth 
in Greece and Berytus in Syria. But this was nothing 
but a provision for soldiers ; of the foundation of towns 
proper in the Roman province of Asia under the emperors 
there is little mention. Among the not numerous towns 
named after emperors there it is only perhaps in the case 
of Sebaste and Tiberiopolis, both in Phrygia, and of 
Hadrianoi on the Bithynian frontier, that no older name 
of the city can be pointed out. Here, in the mountain- 
region between Ida and Olympus, dwelt Cleon in the time 
of the triumvirate, and a certain Tilliborus under Hadrian, 
both half robber-chiefs, half popular princes, of whom the 
former even played a part in politics ; in this asylum of 
criminals the foundation of an organised urban community 
by Hadrian was at all events a benefit. Otherwise in this 
province, with its five hundred urban communities, the 
province richest in cities of the whole state, not much more 
was left to be done in the way of foundation ; there was 
room at the most perhaps for division, that is, for detach- 
ing such hamlets as developed themselves de facto into 
urban communities, from the earlier communal union and 
making them independent, as we can point to a case of the 
kind in Phrygia under Constantine I. But from Hellenis- 
ing proper the sequestered districts were still far remote 
when the Roman government began ; especially in Phrygia 
the language of the country, perhaps similar in character 
to the Armenian, held its ground. If from the absence of 
Greek coins and of Greek inscriptions we may not with 
certainty infer the absence of Hellenising, 1 yet the fact 
that the Phrygian coins belong almost throughout to the 

1 Urban coining and setting up of inscriptions are subject to so 
manifold conditions that the want or the abundance of the one or 
the other do not per se warrant inferences as to the absence or the 
intensity of a definite phase of civilisation. For Asia Minor in par- 
ticular we must take note that it was the promised land of muni- 
cipal vanity, and our memorials, including even the coins, have for 
by far the greatest part been called forth by the fact that the gov- 
ernment of the Roman emperors allowed free scope to this vanity. 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII 

Roman imperial period, and the Phrygian inscriptions as 
regards the great majority to the later times of the em- 
pire, points to the conclusion that, so far as Hellenic habits 
found their way at all into the regions of the province of 
Asia that were remote and difficult of access to civilisation, 
they did so in the main only under the emperors. For 
direct interference on the part of the imperial administra- 
tion this process, accomplishing itself in silence, gave little 
opportunity, and traces of such interference we are not 
able to show. Asia, it is true, was a senatorial province, 
and we may here bear in mind that with the government 
of the senate all initiative fell into abeyance. 

Syria, and still more, Egypt, became merged in their 
capitals ; the province of Asia and Asia Minor 

Urban rivalries. . - _., 

generally had no single town to show like 
Antioch and Alexandria, but their prosperity rested on the 
numerous middle-sized towns. The division of the towns 
into three classes, which are distinguished as to the right 
of voting at the diet, as to the apportionment of the con- 
tributions to be furnished by the whole province, even as 
to the number of town-physicians and town-teachers to be 
appointed, 1 is eminently peculiar to these regions. The 
urban rivalries, which appear in Asia Minor so emphatic 
and in part so childish, occasionally even so odious — as, 
for example, the war between Severus and Niger in Bi- 
thynia was properly a war of the two rival capitals Nico- 
media and Nicaea — belong to the character of Hellenic 
politics in general, but especially of those in Asia Minor. 
We shall mention further on the emulation as to temples 
of the emperors ; in a similar way the ranking of the 
urban deputations at the common festivals in Asia Minor 

1<£ Tlie ordinance," says the jurist Modestinus, who reports it 
(Dig. xxvii. 1, G, 3) "interests all provinces, although it is directed 
to the people of Asia." It is suitable, in fact, only where there 
are classes of towns, and the jurist adds an instruction how it is to 
he applied to provinces otherwise organized. What the biographer 
of Pius, c. 11, reports as to the distinctions and salaries granted by 
Pius to the rhetoricians, has nothing to do with this enactment. 

Chap. VIII.] Asia Minor. 357 

was a vital question — Magnesia on the Maeander calls 
itself on the coins the "seventh city of Asia" — and above 
all the first place was one so much desired, that the gov- 
ernment ultimately agreed to admit several first cities. 
It fared similarly with the designation of "metropolis." 
The proper metropolis of the province was Pergamus, the 
residence of the Attalids and the seat of the diet. But 
Ephesus, the de facto capital of the province, where the 
governor was obliged to enter on his office, and which 
boasts of this " right of reception at landing " on its coins ; 
Smyrna, in constant rivalship with its Ephesian neighbour, 
and, in defiance of the legitimate right of the Ephesians 
to primacy, naming itself on coins "the first in greatness 
and beauty ; " the very ancient Sardis, Cyzicus, and several 
others strove after the same honorary right. With these 
their wranglings, on account of which the senate and the 
emperor were regularly appealed to — the "Greek follies," 
as men were wont to say in Home — the people of Asia 
Minor were the standing annoyance and the standing 
laughing-stock of the Komans of mark. 1 

Bithynia did not stand on a like level with the Attalid 
kingdom. The older Greek colonising had 
here confined itself merely to the coast. In 
the Hellenistic epoch at first the Macedonian rulers, and 
later the native dynasty which walked entirely in their 
steps, had — along with a regulation of the places on the 

1 Dio of Prusa, in his address to the citizens of Nicomedia and of 
Tarsus, excellently lays it down that no man of culture would have 
such empty distinctions for himself, and that the greedy quest of 
the towns for titles was altogether inconceivable ; how it is the 
sign of the true petty-townsman to cause a display of such attesta- 
tions of rank on his behalf ; how the bad governor always screens 
himself under this quarrelling of towns, as ISTicaea and Nicomedia 
never act together. "The Romans deal with you as with children, 
to whom one presents trifling toys ; you put up with bad treatment 
in order to obtain a name ; they name your town the first in order 
to treat it as the last. By this you have become a laughing-stock 
to the Romans, and they call your doings ' Greek follies ' " ("EAAtj- 
yiKa a/j.apT'tjfji.aTa). 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

coast, which perhaps on the whole amounted to a chang- 
ing of their names — also opened up in some measure the 
interior, in particular by the two successful foundations 
of Nicaea (Isnik) and Prusa on Olympia (Broussa) ; of the 
former it is stated that the first settlers were of good 
Macedonian and Hellenic descent. But in the intensity of 
the Hellenising the kingdom of Nicomedes was far behind 
that of the citizen prince of Pergamus ; in particular the 
eastern interior can have been but little settled before 
Augustus. This was otherwise in the time of the empire. 
In the Augustan age a successful robber-chief, who be- 
came a convert to order, reconstructed on the Galatian 
frontier the utterly decayed township Gordiou Kome, 
under the name of Juliopolis ; in the same region the 
towns Bithynion-Claudiopolis and Crateia-Flaviopolis 
probably attained Greek civic rights in the course of the 
first century. Generally in Bithynia Hellenism took a 
mighty upward impulse under the imperial period, and 
the tough Thracian stamp of the natives gave a good foun- 
dation for it. The fact that, among the inscribed stones of 
this province known in great number, not more than four 
belong to the pre-Koman epoch, cannot well be explained 
solely from the circumstance that urban ambition was only 
fostered under the emperors. In the literature of the im- 
perial period a number of the best authors and the least 
carried away by exuberant rhetoric, such as the philosopher 
Dio of Prusa, the historian Memnon of Heraclea, Arrianus 
of Nicomedia, Cassius Dio of Nicaea, belong to Bithynia. 
The eastern half of the south coast of the Black Sea, the 
Roman province of Pontus, had as its basis that 
portion of the kingdom of Mithradates, of 
which Pompeius took direct possession immediately after 
the victory. The numerous smaller principalities, which 
Pompeius at the same time gave away in the interior of 
Paphlagonia and thence eastward to the Armenian frontier, 
were, after a shorter or longer subsistence, on their annexa- 
tion partly attached to the same province, partly joined to 
Galatia or Cappadocia. The former kingdom of Mithra- 

Chap. VIII.] 

Asia Minor. 


dates had been far less affected than the western regions 
either by the older or by the younger Hellenism. When 
the Eomans took possession directly or indirectly of this 
territory, there were, strictly speaking, no towns of Greek 
organisation there ; Amasia, the old residence of the Pon- 
tic Achaemenids, and still their burial-place, was not such ; 
the two old Greek coast-towns, Amisus and Sinope that 
once commanded the Black Sea, had become royal resi- 
dences, and Greek polity would hardly be given to the 
few townships laid out by Mithradates, e.g. Eupatoria 
(iv. 182). But here, as was already shown in detail (iv. 
179 f.), the Koman conquest was at the same time the 
Hellenising ; Pompeius organised the province in such a 
way as to make the eleven chief townships of it into towns, 
and to distribute the territory among them. Certainly 
these artificially created towns with their immense districts 
— that of Sinope had along the coast an extent of 70 miles, 
and bordered on the Halys with that of Amisus — resem- 
bled more the Celtic cantons than the Hellenic and Italian 
urban communities proper. But at any rate Sinope and 
Amisus were then reinstated in their old positions, and 
other towns in the interior, such as Pompeiopolis, Nico- 
polis, Megalopolis, the later Sebasteia, were called into 
life. Sinope obtained from the dictator Caesar the rights 
of a Roman colony, and beyond doubt also Italian settlers 
(iv. 649). More important for the Roman administration 
was Trapezus, an old colony of Sinope ; the town, which 
in the year 63 was joined to the province of Cappadocia 
(p. 351, note), was, as the station of the Roman Black Sea 
fleet and so in a certain measure the base of operations for 
the military corps of this province, unique in all Asia Minor. 
Inland Cappadocia was in the Roman power after the 

erection of the provinces of Pontus and Syria ; 

of its annexation in the beginning of the reign 
of Tiberius, which was primarily occasioned by the at- 
tempt of Armenia to release itself from the Roman suzer- 
ainty, we shall have to give an account in the following 
section. The court, and those immediately connected 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

with it, had become Hellenised (iii. 76), somewhat as the 
German courts of the eighteenth century adapted them- 
selves to French habits. The capital, Caesarea, the an- 
cient Mazaca, like the Phrygian Apamea, an intermediate 
station for the great traffic between the ports of the west 
coast and the lands of the Euphrates, and in the Roman 
period, as still at the present day, one of the most .flour- 
ishing commercial cities of Asia Minor, was, at the instiga- 
tion of Pompeius, not merely rebuilt after the Mithradatic 
war, but probably also furnished at that time with civic 
rights after the Greek type. Cappadocia itself was at the 
beginning of the imperial period hardly more Greek than 
Brandenburg and Pomerania under Frederick the Great 
were French. When the country became Roman, it was 
divided, according to the statements of the contemporary 
Strabo, not into city-districts, but into ten prefectures, of 
which only two had towns, the already-mentioned capital 
and Tyana ; and this arrangement was here on the whole 
not more changed than in Egypt, though individual town- 
ships subsequently received Greek civic rights ; e.g. the 
emperor Marcus made the Cappadocian village, in which 
his wife had died, into the town Faustinopolis. It is true 
that the Cappadocians now spoke Greek ; but the students 
from Cappadocia had much to endure abroad on account 
of their uncouth accent, and of their defects in pronuncia- 
tion and modulation ; and, if they learned to speak after 
an Attic fashion, their countrymen found their language 
affected. 1 It was only in the Christian period that the 
comrades in study of the emperor Julian, Gregory of Na- 
zianzus and Basil of Caesarea, gave a better sound to the 
Cappadocian name. 

The Lycian cities in their secluded mountain-land did 
not open their coast for Greek settlement, but did not on 

1 Pausanias of Caesarea in Philostratus ( Vitae soph. ii. 13) places 
before Herodes Atticus his faults: iraxeia. rrj yX&TT-ri kcu ojj Kairira- 
5<f/cats i-vvrides, i;vyKpova>v fxep tcl av^cpava rwv crroix*'"0V, ovorsKhiuv 5e 
tcl firjKvv6fieva ital ixt}Kvvu>v ra fipaxea- Vita Apoll. i. 7 ; 4) y\wrra 
'Attikws 3x* t/ i cwnJX^ 7 ? T V ^w^V ^7rb rod tdvovs. 

Chap. VIII.] Asia Minor. 361 

that account debar themselves from Hellenic influence. 

Lycia was the only district of Asia Minor in 

which early civilising did not set aside the 
native language, and w T hich, almost like the Romans, en- 
tered into Greek habits without becoming externally Hel- 
lenised. It is characteristic of their position, that the 
Lycian confederation as such joined the Attic naval league 
and paid its tribute to the Athenian leading power. The 
Lycians not merely practised their art after Hellenic 
models, but probably also regulated their political organ- 
isation early in the same way. The conversion of the 
cities-league, once subject to Rhodes, but which had be- 
come independent after the third Macedonian war (ii. 362) 
into a Roman province, which was ordained by the em- 
peror Claudius on account of the endless quarrels among 
the allies, must have furthered the progress of Hellenism ; 
in the course of the imperial period the Lycians thereupon 
became completely Greeks. 

The Pamphylian coast-towns, like Aspendus and Perga, 

Greek foundations of the oldest times, subse- 
cS byUa and quently left to themselves, and attaining under 

favourable circumstances prosperous develop- 
ment, had either conserved, or moulded specially on their 
own part, the oldest Hellenic character in such a way that 
the Pamphylians might be regarded as an independent 
nation in language and writing not much less than the 
neighbouring Lycians. Then, when Asia was gained for 
the Hellenes, they found gradually their way back into 
the common Greek civilisation, and so also into the gen- 
eral political organisation. The rulers in this region and 
on the neighbouring Cilician coast were in the Hellenistic 
period partly the Egyptians, whose royal house gave its 
name to different townships in Pamphylia and Cilicia, 
partly the Seleucids, after whom the most considerable 
town of west Cilicia was named Seleucia on the Calycad- 
nus, partly the. Pergamenes, of whose rule Attalia (Adalia) 
in Pamphylia testifies. 

On the other hand the tribes in the mountains of Pi- 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

sidia, Isauria, and western Cilicia substantially maintained 
their independence down to the beginning of 
irauriL and * ne imperial period. Here hostilities never 
ceased. Not merely by land had the civilised 
governments continued troubles with the Pisidians and 
their comrades, but these pursued still more zealously 
than robbery by land the trade of piracy, particularly 
from western Cilicia, where the mountains immediately 
approach the sea. When, on the decline of the Egyptian 
naval power, the south coast of Asia Minor became en- 
tirely an asylum of the pirates, the Romans interfered and 
erected the province of Cilicia, which embraced also, or 
was at any rate intended to embrace, the Pamphylian 
coast, for the sake of suppressing piracy. But what they 
did showed more what ought to have been done than that 
anything was really accomplished ; the intervention took 
place too late and too fitfully. Though a blow was once 
struck against the corsairs, and Roman troops penetrated 
even into the Isaurian mountains, and broke up the pi- 
rates' strongholds far into the interior (iv. 61), the Roman 
republic did not attain true permanent establishment in 
these districts reluctantly annexed by it. Here every- 
thing was left for the empire to do. Antonius, when he 
took in hand the East, entrusted an able Galatian offi- 
cer, Amyntas, with the subjugation of the refractory Pi- 
sidian region,' and, when the latter proved his quality, 2 
he made him king of Galatia, — the region of Asia Minor 

1 Amyntas was placed over the Pisidians as early as 715 before 
39 Antonius returned to Asia (Appian, B. 0. v. 75), 

doubtless because these had once more undertaken 
one of their predatory expeditions. From the fact that he first 
ruled there is explained the circumstance that he built for himself 
a residence in Isauria (Strabo, xii. 6, 3, p. 569). Galatia went in 
3fi the first instance to the heirs of Deiotarus (Dio, xlviii. 

33). It was not till the year 718 that Amyntas ob- 
tained Galatia, Lycaonia, and Pamphylia (Dio, xlix. 32). 

2 That this was the cause why these regions were not placed under 
Roman governors is expressly stated by Strabo (xiv. 5, 5, p. 671), 
who was near in time and place to the matters dealt with : cSonei 

Chap. VIII.] 

Asia Minor. 


which was best organised in a military point of view, and 
most ready for action — and at the same time extended his 
government from thence as far as the south coast, and so 
as to include Lycaonia, Pisidia, Isauria, Pamphylia, and 
western Cilicia, while the civilised east half of Cilicia was 
left with Syria. Even when Augustus, after the battle 
of Actium, entered upon rule in the East, he left the 
Celtic prince in his position. The latter made essential 
progress as well in the suppression of the bad corsairs 
harbouring in the lurking places of western Cilicia, as 
also in the extirpation of the brigands, killed one of the 
worst of these robber-chiefs, Antipater, the ruler of Derbe 
and Laranda in southern Lycaonia, built for himself a 
residence in Isauria, and not merely drove the Pisidians 
out from the adjoining Phrygian territories, but invaded 
their own land, and took Cremna in the heart of it. But 
2g some years after (729 u.c.) he lost his life on 

an expedition against one of the west Cilician 
tribes, the Homonadenses ; after he had taken most of the 
townships and their prince had fallen, he perished through 
a plot directed against him by the wife of the latter. 
After this disaster Augustus himself undertook the diffi- 
cult business of pacifying the interior of Asia Minor. 
If in doing so he, as was already observed (p. 351), as- 
signed the small Pamphylian coast-district to a governor 
of its own and separated it from Galatia, this was evi- 
dently done because the mounain-land lying between the 
coast and the Galato-Lycaonian steppe was so little 
under control that the administration of the coast region 
could not well be conducted from Galatia. Roman troops 
were not stationed in Galatia ; yet the levy of the war- 
like Galatians must have meant more than in the case 
of most provincials. Moreover, as western Cilicia was 

irpbs airav rh toiovto (for the suppression of the robbers and pirates) 
fiaaiAevecrOai fxaXKov robs tottovs 7) virb roh 'Pw/xalois 7)yefx6o~iv effect to?s 
€7Ti ras ttplfftis Trefxiro/xevots, ot /UT?t atl Traptivcu e/ueAAou (on account of 
the travelling on circuit) /xrjre /xe0' '6ttAwv (which at all events were 
wanting to the later legate of Galatia). 

364 Asia Minor. [Book VIII. 

then placed under Cappadocia, the troops of this depen- 
dent prince had to take part in the work. The Syrian 
army carried out the chastisement in the first place of the 
Homonadenses ; the governor, Publius Sulpicius Quiri- 
nius, advanced some years later into their territory, cut 
off their supplies, and compelled them to submit en 
masse, whereupon they were distributed to the surround- 
ing townships and their former territory was laid waste. 
The Clitae, another stock settled in western Cilicia 
nearer to the coast, met with similar chastisements in 
the years 36 and 52 ; as they refused obedience to the 
vassal-prince placed over them by Rome, and pillaged 
land and sea, and as the so-called rulers of the land could 
not dispose of them, the imperial troops were on both 
occasions brought in from Syria to subdue them. These ac- 
counts have been accidentally preserved ; numerous simi- 
lar incidents have certainly been lost to remembrance. 
But Augustus attempted the pacification of this region 

also by way of settlement. The Hellenistic 
3es dian col ° governments had, so to speak, isolated it ; not 

merely retained or seized a footing everywhere 
on the coast, but also founded in the north-west a series 
of towns — on the Phrygian frontier Apollonia, alleged to 
have been founded by Alexander himself, Seleucia Siderus 
and Antiochia, both from the time of the Seleucids, fur- 
ther in Lycaonia, Laodicea Katakekaumene, and the capi- 
tal of this district which doubtless originated at the same 
time, Iconium. But in the mountain-land proper no trace 
of Hellenistic settlement is found, and still less did the 
Roman senate apply itself to this difficult task. Augustus 
did so ; and only here in the whole Greek coast we meet 
a series of colonies of Roman veterans evidently intended 
to acquire this district for peaceful settlement. Of the 
older settlements just mentioned, Antiochia was supplied 
with veterans and reorganised in Roman fashion, while 
there were newly laid out in southern Lycaonia Parlais, in 
Pisidia itself the already-mentioned Cremna, as well as 
further to the south Olbasa and Comama. The later 

Chap. VIII.] 

Asia Minor. 


governments did not continue with equal energy the work 
so begun; yet under Claudius the "iron Seleucia" of 
Pisidia was made the " Claudian ; " while in the interior 
of western Cilicia Claudiopolis, and not far from it, per- 
haps at the same time, Germanicopolis were called into 
life, and Iconium, in the time of Augustus a small place, 
was brought to considerable development. The newly- 
founded towns remained indeed unimportant, but still 
notably restricted the field of the free inhabitants of the 
mountains, and general peace must at length have made 
its triumphal entrance also here. As well the plains and 
mountain-terraces of Pamphylia as the mountain-towns 
of Pisidia itself, e.g. Selga and Sagalassus, were during 
the imperial period well peopled and the territory care- 
fully cultivated ; the remains of mighty aqueducts and sin- 
gularly large theatres, all of them structures of the Roman 
imperial period, show, it is true, only mechanical skill, but 
bear traces of a peaceful prosperity richly developed. 
The government, it is true, never quite mastered brig- 
andage in these regions, and if in the earlier 

Isaurians. . n « ., 1 . . 

period oi the empire its ravages were kept m 
moderate bounds, the bands once more emerge as a war- 
like power in the troubles of the third century. They 
now pass under the name of Isaurians, and have their 
chief seat in the mountains of Cilicia, from whence they 
plunder land and sea. They are mentioned first under 
Severus Alexander. That under Gallienus they proclaimed 
their robber-chief emperor, is probably a fable ; but cer- 
tainly under the emperor Probus such an one, by name 
Lydius, who for long had pillaged Lycia and Pamphylia, 
was subdued in the Roman colony Cremna, which he had 
occupied, after a long and obstinate siege by a Roman 
army. In later times we find a military cordon drawn 
round their territory, and a special commanding general 
appointed for the Isaurians. Their savage valour even 
procured for those of them, who chose to take service at 
the Byzantine court, for a time a position there such as 
the Macedonians had possessed at the court of the Ptole- 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

mies ; in fact one from their ranks, Zeno, died as emperor 
of Byzantium. 1 

Lastly, the region of Galatia, at a remote period the 
chief seat of the Oriental rule over anterior 
Asia, and preserving in the famed rock-sculpt- 
ures of the modern Boghazkoi, formerly the royal town of 
Pteria, reminiscences of an almost forgotten glory, had in 
the course of centuries become in language and manners 
a Celtic island amidst the waves of eastern peoples, and 
remained so in internal organisation even under the em- 
pire. The three Celtic tribes, which, on the great migra- 
tion of the nation about the time of the war between 
Pyrrhus and the Romans, had arrived in the heart of Asia 
Minor, and there, like the Franks in the East during the 
middle ages, had consolidated themselves into a firmly 
knit soldier-state, and after prolonged roving had taken 
up their definitive abode on either side of the Halys, had 
long since left behind the times when they issued forth 
thence to pillage Asia Minor, and where in conflict with 
the kings of Asia and Pergamus, provided that they did 
not serve them as mercenaries. They too were shattered 
before the superior power of the Romans (ii. 323), and be- 
came not less subject to them in Asia than their country- 
men in the valley of the Po and on the Rhone and Seine. 
But in spite of their sojourn of several hundred years in 
Asia Minor, a deep gulf still separated these Occidentals 
from the Asiatics. It was not merely that they retained 
their native language and their nationality, that still each 
of the three cantons was governed by its four hereditary 
princes, and the federal assembly, to which deputies were 
sent by all in common, presided in the sacred oak-grove 

1 Amidst the great unnamed ruins of Sarajik, in the upper valley 
of the Limyrus, in eastern Lycia (comp. Bitter, MrdJcunde, xix. p. 
1172), stands a considerable temple-shaped tomb, certainly not 
older than the third century after Christ, on which mutilated parts 
of men — heads, arms, legs — are produced in relief, as emblems we 
might imagine, as the coat of arms of a civilised robber-chief (com- 
munication from Benndorf). 

Chap. VIII.] Asia Minor. 367 

as supreme authority over the Galatian land (ii. 260) ; nor 
was it that continued rudeness as well as warlike valour 
distinguished them to advantage as well as to disadvantage 
from their neighbours ; such contrasts between culture 
and barbarism existed elsewhere in Asia Minor, and the 
superficial and external Hellenising — such as neighbour- 
hood, commercial relations, the Phrygian cultus adopted 
by the immigrants, and mercenary service brought in their 
train — must have set in not much later in Galatia than e.g. 
in the neighbouring Cappadocia. The contrast was of a 
different kind ; the Celtic and the Hellenic invasion came 
into competition in Asia Minor, and to the distinction of 
nationality was added the spur of rival conquest. This 
was brought clearly to light in the Mithradatic crisis ; by 
the side of the command of Mithradates to murder the 
Italians went the massacre of the whole Galatian nobility 
(iii. 369), and, in keeping therewith, the Komans in the 
wars against the Oriental liberator of the Hellenes had no 
more faithful ally than the Galatian s of Asia Minor (iv. 
72, 177). 

For that reason the success of the Romans was theirs 
also, and the victory gave to them for a time a 
£ngdo a i atian leading position in the affairs of Asia Minor- 
The old tetrarchate was done away, apparently 
by Pompeius. One of the new cantonal princes, who had 
approved himself most in the Mithradatic wars, Deiotarus, 
attached to himself, besides his own territory, Lesser 
Armenia and other portions of the former Mithradatic 
empire, and became an inconvenient neighbour to the other 
Galatian princes, and the most powerful among the dynasts 
of Asia Minor (iv. 177). After the victory of Caesar, to 
whom he occupied an attitude of hostility, and whose 
favour he was unable to gain even by help rendered against 
Pharnaces, the possessions gained by him with or without 
consent of the Roman government were for the most part 
again withdrawn ; the Caesarian Mithradates of Pergamus, 
who on the mother's side was sprung from the Galatian 
royal house, obtained the most of what Deiotarus lost, and 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

was even placed by his side in Galatia itself. But, after 
the latter had shortly afterwards met his end in the Tauric 
Chersonese (p. 340), and Caesar himself had not long after- 
wards been murdered, Deiotarus reinstated himself unbid- 
den in possession of what he had lost, and, as he knew 
how to submit to the Roman party predominant on each 
occasion in the East as well as how to change it at the right 
time, he died at an advanced age in the year 
714 as lord of all Galatia. His descendants 
were portioned off with a small lordship in Paphlagonia ; 
his kingdom, further enlarged towards the south by Ly- 
caonia and all the country down to the coast of Pamphylia, 
was transferred, as was already said, in the 
year 718, by Antonius to Amyntas, who seems 
to have conducted the government already in the last years 
of Deiotarus as his secretary and general, and, as such, had 
before the battle of Philippi effected the transition from 
the republican generals to the triumvirs. His further for- 
tunes have been already told. Equal to his predecessor 
in sagacity and bravery, he served first Antonius, and then 
Augustus as chief instrument for the pacification of the 
territory not yet subject in Asia Minor, till he 
there met his death in the year 729. With 
him ended the Galatian kingdom, and it was converted 
into the Roman province of Galatia. 

Its inhabitants were called Gallogrseci among the Romans 
even in the last age of the republic ; they 

The inhabitants. -. -, T . , , ., 

were, adds Jjivy, a mixed people, as they were 
called, and degenerate. A good portion of them must 
have descended from the older Phrygian inhabitants of 
these regions. Of still more weight is the fact, that the 
zealous worship of the gods in Galatia and the priesthood 
there have nothing in common with the ritual institutions 
of the European Celts ; not merely was the Great Mother, 
whose sacred symbol the Romans of Hannibal's time asked 
and received from the Tolistobogi, of a Phrygian type, 
but her priests belonged in part at least to the Galatian 
nobility. Nevertheless, even in the Roman province of 

Chap. VIII.] 

Asia Minor. 


Galatia the internal organisation was predominantly Celtic. 
The fact that even under Pius the strict paternal power 
foreign to Hellenic law subsisted in Galatia, is a proof of 
this from the sphere of private law. In public relations 
there were in this country still only the three old com- 
munities of the Tectosages, the Tolistobogi, the Trocmi, 
who perhaps appended to their names those of the three 
chief places, Ancyra, Pessinus, and Tavium, but were es- 
sentially nothing but the well-known Gallic cantons, which 
also indeed were not without their chief place. If among 
the Celts of Asia the conception of the community as 
town gains the predominance earlier than among the Eu- 
ropean, 1 and the name Ancyra more quickly dispossesses 
that of the Tectosages than in Europe the name Burdigala 
dispossesses that of the Bituriges, and there Ancyra even 
as foremost place of the whole country calls itself the 
" mother-city " (^t^oVoAis), this certainly shows — what 
could not in fact be otherwise — the influence of Greek 
neighbourhood and the incipient process of assimilation, 
the several phases of which the superficial information 
that survives to us does not allow us to follow out. The 
Celtic names keep their hold down to the time of Tibe- 
rius ; afterwards they appear only isolated in the houses 
of rank. 

That the Bomans after the erection of the province — as 
in Gaul they allowed only the Latin language 
?he n Iomanr der — allowed in Galatia alongside of this only the 
Greek in business-dealings, was a matter of 
course. What course was taken earlier we know not, as 
we do not meet with pre-Boman written monuments in this 
country at all. As the language of conversation the Celtic 

1 The famous list of services rendered to the community of Ancyra 
of the time of Tiberius (G. I. Or. 4039) designates the Galatian com- 
munities usually by edvos, sometimes by ir6\is. The former appel- 
lation subsequently disappears ; but in the full title, e. g. of the in- 
scription, G. I. Gr. 4011, from the second century, Ancyra always 
bears the name of the people : y /j.t)tp6tto\is rrjs TaAarias 2€j8a<rr^ 
TeKToffdyfav "AyKvpa. 



Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

maintained its ground with tenacity also in Asia ;* yet the 
Greek gradually gained the upper hand. In the fourth 
century Ancyra was one of the chief centres of Greek cul- 
ture ; " the small towns in Greek Galatia," says the man of 
letters, Themistius, who had grown gray in addressing the 
cultivated public, " cannot indeed cope with Antioch ; but 
the people appropriate to themselves culture more zeal- 
ously than the genuine Hellenes, and, wherever the phi- 
losopher's cloak appears, they cling to it like the iron to the 
magnet." Yet the national language may have preserved 
itself in the lower circles down even to this period, particu- 
larly beyond the Halys among the Trocmi evidently much 
later Hellenised. 2 It has already been mentioned (p. 110) 
that, according to the testimony of the far-travelled church- 
father Jerome, still at the end of the fourth century the 
Asiatic Galatian spoke the same language, although cor- 
rupt, which was then spoken in Treves. That as soldiers 
the Galatians, though sustaining no comparison with the 
Occidentals, were yet far more useful than the Greek 
Asiatics, is attested as well by the legion which king Deio- 
tarus raised from his subjects after the Roman model and 
which Augustus took over with the kingdom and incorpo- 
rated with the Eoman army under its previous name, as 
by the fact, that in the Oriental recruiting of the imperial 
period the Galatians were drawn upon by preference just 
as the Batavians were in the west. 3 

1 According to Pausanius, x. 36, 1, among the TaXaraiimlp Qpvyias 
(pour) rfi imxup'up c<pi<riu the scarlet herry is termed ds; and Lucian, 
Alex. 51, tells of the perplexities of the soothsaying Paphlagonian, 
when questions were proposed to him 'Zvpicrrl ?} KsXrwrL and people 
conversant with this language were not just at hand. 

- If in the list mentioned at p. 340, note, from the time of Tibe- 
rius the largesses are given hut seldom to three peoples, mostly to 
two peoples or two cities, the latter are, as Perrot correctly remarks (de 
Galatia, p. 83), Ancyra and Pessinus, and Tavium of the Trocmi is in 
the matter of largesses postponed to them. Perhaps there was at that 
time among these no township which could be treated as a town. 

3 Cicero (ad Att. vi. 5, 3) writes of his army in Cilicia : exercitum 
infirmum habebam, auxilia sane bona, sed ea Galatarum, Pisidarum, 
Lyciorum : haec enim sunt nostra robora. 

Chap. VIII.] 

Asia Minor. 


To the extra-European Hellenes belong further the two 
great islands of the eastern Mediterranean, 
ands Greek lsl Crete and Cyprus, as well as the numerous isl- 
ets of the sea between Greece and Asia Minor; 
the Cyrenaic Pentapolis also on the opposite African coast 
is so separated by the surrounding desert from the interior 
that it may be in some measure ranked along with those 
Greek islands. These constituent elements, however, of 
the enormous mass of lands united under the sceptre of 
the emperors do not add essentially new features to the 
general historical conception. The minor islands, Hellen- 
ised earlier and more completely than the continent, be- 
long as regards their essential character more to Euro- 
pean Greece than to the colonial field of Asia Minor ; as 
indeed we have already several times mentioned the Hel- 
lenic model-state, Rhodes, in connection with the former. 
The islands are chiefly noticed at this epoch, inasmuch as 
it was usual in the imperial period to banish men of the 
better classes to them by way of punishment. They chose, 
where the case was specially severe, rocks like Gyarus and 
Donussa; but Andros, Cythnus, Amorgos, once flourishing 
centres of Greek culture, were now places of punishment, 
while in Lesbos and Samos not seldom Romans of rank 
and even members of the imperial house voluntarily took 
up a somewhat lengthened abode. Crete and Cyprus, 
whose old Hellenism had under the Persian rule or in 
complete isolation lost contact with home, organised them- 
selves — Cyprus as a dependency of Egypt, the Cretan 
towns as autonomous — in the Hellenistic and later in the 
Roman epochs according to the general forms of Greek 
polity. In the Cyrenaic towns the system of the Lagids 
prevailed ; we find in them not merely, as in the strictly 
Greek towns, Hellenic burgesses and metoeci, but alongside 
of them, as with the Egyptians in Alexandria, the " peas- 
ants," that is the native Africans, and among the metoeci 
the Jews form, as they do likewise in Alexandria, a numer- 
ous and privileged class. 

To the Greeks in common the Roman imperial govern- 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

ment never granted a representation. The Augustan Am- 
Leagues of the P n i c ti° n y was restricted, as we saw (p. 275) 
Heiianes in Asia to the Hellenes in Achaia, Epirus, and Macedo- 
nia. If the Hadrianic Panhellenes in Athens 
acted as though they were representative of all the Hel- 
lenes, they yet encroached on the other Greek provinces 
only in so far as they decreed, so to speak, honorary Hel- 
lenism to individual towns in Asia (p. 289) ; and the fact 
that they did so, just shows that the extraneous communi- 
ties of Greeks were by no means included among those 
Panhellenes. If in Asia Minor there is mention of repre- 
sentation or representatives of the Hellenes, what is meant 
by this in the provinces of Asia and Bithynia organised 
completely after the Hellenic manner, is the diet and the 
president of the diet of these provinces, in so far as these 
proceed from the deputies of the towns belonging to each 
of them, and all of these towns are Greek polities ; 1 while 
in the non-Greek province of Galatia the representatives 
of the Greeks sojourning there, placed alongside of the 
Galatian diet, are designated as "presidents of the 
Greeks." 3 

To the confederation of towns the Koman government 
in Asia Minor had no occasion to oppose spe- 

fend^estiva^s. 3 c ^ obstacles. In Eoman as in pre-Koman 
times nine towns of the Troad performed in 

common religious functions and celebrated common festi- 

1 Decrees of the <?V1 rijs 'Adas "EAA^j/es, C. I. A. 3487, 3957 ; a 
Lycian honoured virb rod ko[ii/o]v tgov iirl rrjs 'Acrias 'EW^vwv Kal vnb 
tu>v e\y Ua\[x^>v\ia Trohecou, Benndorf, Lyk. Beise, i. 122 ; letters to 
the Hellenes in Asia, G. I. Or. 3832, 3833 ; & &v5pes"E\\^€ S in the 
address to the diet of Pergamus, Aristides, p. 517. — An &p£as rod 
koivov tQv iv Bidwla 'Eaa^jw, Perrot, Expl. de la Galatie, p. 32 ; 
letter of the emperor Alexander to the same, Big. xlix. 1, 25. — 
Dio, li. 20 : ro?s |ei/ots, "EWrjvas acpas iiriKaKiaas, eavrcp riva, to?s p.\v 
'Aaiavols iv Tlepyd/xcp, rots 5e Bl6vi>o?s iv NtKO^SetQi T€ucv'i(Tai iirerp&pe. 

2 Besides the Galatarchs (Marquardt, Staatsverw. i. 515) we meet 
in Galatia even under Hadrian Helladarchae (Bull, de corr. Hell. 
vii. 18), who can only be taken here like the Hellenarchs in Tanais 
(p. 342, note 2). 

Chap. VIII.] 

Asia Minor. 


vals. 1 The diets of the different provinces of Asia Minor, 
which were here as in the whole empire called into exist- 
ence as a fixed institution by Augustus, were not different 
in themselves from those of the other provinces. Yet 
this institution developed itself, or rather changed its 
nature, here in a peculiar fashion. "With the immediate 
purpose of these annual assemblies of the civic deputies 
. of each province 2 — to bring its wishes to the knowledge 
of the governor or the government, and generally to serve 
as organ of the province — was here first combined the cel- 
ebration of the annual festival for the governing emperor 
29 and the imperial system generally. Augus- 

tus in the year 725 allowed the diets of Asia 
and Bithynia to erect temples and show divine honour 
to him at their places of assembly, Pergamus and Nicome- 
dia. This new arrangement soon extended to the whole 
empire, and the blending of the ritual institution with 
the administrative became a leading idea of the provin- 
cial organisation of the imperial period. But as regards 
pomp of priests and festivals and civic rivalries, this insti- 

1 The <Tvve8piov rdou iw4a §r)[xwv (Scliliemann, Troia, 1884, p. 256) 
calls itself elsewhere 'iAieis koI ttoXccs at Koivowovaai rrjs Ovfflas «a\ rov 
aySivos iced rris -rravriyvpeas (ib. p. 254). Another document of the 
same league from the time of Antigonus is given in Droysen, Hel- 
lenismus, ii. 2, 382 ff. So two other koivo. are to be taken, which 
refer to a narrower circle than the province, such as the old one of 
the thirteen Ionic cities, that of the Lesbians (Marquardt, Staats- 
tierw. i. p. 516), that of the Phrygians on the coins of Apamea. 
These have also had their magisterial presidents, as indeed there 
has recently been found a Lesbiarch (Marquardt, I.e.), and likewise 
the Moesian Hellenes were under a Pontarch (p. 308). Yet it is not 
improbable that, where the archonship is named, the league is more 
than a mere festal association ; the Lesbians as well as the Moesian 
Pentapolis may have had a special diet, over which these officers 
presided. On the other hand the noivbv rod "TpyaXeov ireSiov (Ram- 
say, Cities and bishoprics of Phrygia, p. 10), which stands alongside 
of several S^uot, is a quasi-commuuity destitute of civic rights. 

<J The composition of the diets of Asia Minor is most clearly ap- 
parent in Strabo's account of the Lyciarchy (xiv. 3, 3, p. 664) and 
in the narrative of Aristides (Or. 26, p. 344) as to his election to 
one of the Asiatic provincial priesthoods. 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

tution nowhere developed itself so much as in the province 
of Asia and, analogously, in the other provinces of Asia 
Minor ; and nowhere, consequently, has there subsisted 
alongside of, and above, municipal ambition a provincial 
ambition of the towns still more than of the individuals, 
such as in Asia Minor dominates the whole public life. 
The high priest (dpx^tpcvs) of the new temple appointed 
from year to year in the province is not merely 
priests and the most eminent dignitary of the province, 
but throughout its bounds the year is desig- 
nated after him. 1 The system of festivals and games after 
the model of the Olympic festival, which spread more and 
more as we saw among all the Hellenes, was associated in 
Asia Minor predominantly with the festivals and games 
of the provincial worship of the emperor. The conduct 
of these fell to the president of the diet, in Asia to the 
Asiarch, in Bithynia to the Bithyniarch, and so on ; and 
not less he had chiefly to bear the costs of the annual 
festival, although a portion of these, like the remaining 
expenses of this equally brilliant and loyal worship, was 
covered by voluntary gifts and endowments, or was ap- 
portioned among the several towns. Hence these presi- 
dentships were only accessible to rich people ; the pros- 
perity of the town Tralles is indicated by the fact, that it 
never wanted Asiarchs — the title remained even after the 
expiry of the official year — and the repute of the Apostle 
Paul in Ephesus is indicated by his connection with differ- 
ent Asiarchs there. In spite of the expense this was an 
honorary position much sought after, not on account of 
the privileges attached to it, e.g. of exemption from trus- 
teeship, but on account of its outward splendour ; the 
festal entrance into the town, in purple dress and with 
chaplet on the head, preceded by a procession of boys 
swinging their vessels of incense, was in the horizon of 
the Greeks of Asia Minor what the olive-branch of Olym- 

1 See examples for Asia, G. I. Or. 3487 ; for Lycia, Benndorf, 
Lyk. Reise, i. p. 71. But the Lycian federal assembly designates 
the years not by the Archiereus but by the Lyciarch. 

Chap. VIII.] 

Asia Minor. 


pia was among the Hellenes. On several occasions this 
or that Asiatic of quality boasts of having been not merely 
himself Asiarch but descended also from Asiarchs. If 
this cultus was at the outset confined to the provincial 
capitals, the municipal ambition, which in the province of 
Asia in particular assumed incredible proportions, very 
soon broke through those limits. Here already in the 
year 23 a second temple was decreed by the province 
to the then reigning emperor Tiberius as well as to his 
mother and to the senate, and after long quarrelling of 
the towns, was by decree of the senate, erected at Smyrna. 
The other larger towns followed the example on later oc- 
casions. 1 If hitherto the province had had only one pres- 
ident and one chief priest, as only one temple, now not 
merely had as many chief priests to be appointed as there 
were provincial temples, but also, seeing that the conduct 
of the temple-festival and the execution of the games per- 
tained not to the chief priest but to the land-president, 
and the rival great towns were chiefly concerned about the 
festivals and games, there was given to all the chief priests 
at the same time the title and the right of presidency, 
so that at least in Asia the Asiarchy and the chief priest- 
hood of the provincial temples coincided. 2 Therewith the 

1 Tacitus, Ann. iv. 15, 55. The town which possesses a temple 
dedicated by the diet of the province (the KOLvhv T7/s 'Aortas k. t. a.) 
bears on that account the honorary predicate of the " (imperial) tem- 
ple-keeper " (v€u>c6pos) ; and, if one of them has several to show, 
the number is appended. In this institution one may clearly dis- 
cern how the imperial worship obtained its full elaboration in 
Asia Minor. In reality the neocorate is general, applicable to any 
deity and any town ; titularly, as an honorary surname of the town, 
it meets us with vanishing exceptions only in the imperial cultus 
of Asia Minor — only some Greek towns of the neighbouring prov- 
inces, such as Tripolis in Syria, Thessalonica in Macedonia, partici- 
pated in it. 

2 However little the original diversity of the presidency of the 
diet and the provincial chief priesthood for the cultus of the em- 
peror can be called in question, yet not merely in the case of the 
former does the magisterial character of the president, still clearly 
recognisable in Hellas, whence the organisation of the kolvo. gene- 


Asia Minor. [BooiiVIIt. 

diet and the civil functions, from which the institution 
had its origin, fell into the background ; the Asiarch was 
soon nothing more than the provider of a popular festival 
annexed to the divine worship of the former and present 
emperors, on which account indeed his wife — the Asiarch- 
ess — might and zealously did take part in the celebration. 

A practical importance, increased in Asia Minor by the 
high estimation in which this institution was held, may 
have attached to the provincial chief-priesthood for the 

rally proceeds, fall completely into the shade in Asia Minor, but 
here in fact, where the koivou has several ritual centres, the 'Affi&pxys 
and the apxiepevs rrjs 'A<n'as seem to have amalgamated. The pres- 
ident of the koivSv never hears in Asia Minor the title of arTparriySsj 
which sharply emphasises the civil office, and &p£as rod koivov (p. 
344, note) or rov %8vovs (C. I. Or. 4380 fc4 , p. 1168) is rare ; the com- 
pounds 'Aaidpxvs, AvKidpxys, analogous to the 'EWaSdpxvs of Achaia, 
are already in Strabo's time the usual designation. That in the 
minor provinces, like Galatia and Lycia, the Archon and the Arch- 
iereus of the province remained separate, is certain. But in Asia 
the existence of Asiarchs for Ephesus and Smyrna is established by 
inscriptions (Marquardt, Staatsverw. i. 514), while yet according to 
the nature of the institution there could only be one Asiarch for 
the whole province. Here, too, the Agonothesia of the Archiereus 
is attested (Galen on Hippocrates de part. 18, 2, p. 567, Kiihn : 
7rap' 7] iv Uepyd/uLCi} tcSv apxiepewv rhs Ka\ov/j.4vas ixovofiaxioLS eiriTtX.- 
ovvtcdv), while it is the very essence of the Asiarchate. To all ap- 
pearance the rivalries of the towns have here led to the result, that, 
after there were several temples of the emperor dedicated by the 
province in different towns, the Agonothesia was taken from the 
real president of the diet, and, instead, the titular Asiarchate and 
the Agonothesia were committed to the chief priest of each temple. 
In that case the 'Avidpxys xal upxtepeus iy' ir6'Aeooi> is explained on the 
coins of the thirteen Ionic towns (Mionnet, iii. 61, 1), and on Ephe- 
sian inscriptions the same Ti. Julius Reginus may be named some- 
times 'Aaiapxys vaQv rwv eV Ecpeacp (Wood Inscr. from the great 
theatre, p. 18), sometimes apx t6 P e " y va & v r & v * v E</>e<r<p (?<&. n. 8, 14, 
similarly 9). — Only in this way, too, are the institutions of the 
fourth century to be comprehended. Here a chief priest appears in 
every province, in Asia with the title of Asiarch, in Syria with that 
of Syriarch, and so forth. If the amalgamation of the Archon and 
the Archiereus had already begun earlier in the province of Asia, 
nothing was more natural than now, on the diminution of the prov- 
inces, to combine them everywhere in this way. 


Asia Minor. 


worship of the emperors through the religious superin- 
tendence associated with it. After the diet had 
ofT e o r rrhfpb e y nce once resolved on the worship of the emper- 
pn ? eSs° vincial ors > an( ^ * ne government had given its consent, 
action on the part of the towns followed as a 
matter of course ; in Asia already under Augustus at least 
all the chief places of judicial circuit had their Caesareum 
and their emperors' festival. 1 It was the right and duty of 
the chief priest to watch over the execution of these pro- 
vincial and municipal decrees and the practice of the cultus 
in his district ; what this might mean, is elucidated by the 
fact, that the autonomy of the free city of Cyzicus in Asia 
was set aside under Tiberius for this among other reasons, 
that it had allowed the decree for building the temple of 
the god Augustus to remain unfulfilled — perhaps just be- 
cause it as a free town was not under the diet. It is prob- 
able that this superintendence, although it primarily con- 
cerned the emperor-worship, extended to the affairs of 
religion in general. 2 Then, when the old and the new faith 
began to contend in the empire for the mastery, it was 
probably, in the first instance, through the provincial chief 
priesthood that the contrast between them was converted 
into conflict. These priests appointed from the provincials 
of mark by the diet of the province, were by their tradi- 
tions and by their official duties far more called and in- 
clined than were the imperial magistrates to animadvert 
on neglect of the recognised worship, and, where dis- 
suasion did not avail, as they had not themselves a power 
of punishment, to bring the act punishable by civil law to 

1 G. I. Gr. 3902 & . 

2 Dio of Prusa, Or. 35, p. 66 R., names the Asiarchs and the 
analogous archons (he designates clearly their Agonothesia, and to 
it also point the corrupt words rovs eircavv/jLovs twv Suo ijTre'ipwv rris 
ktnripas oA-qs, for ^"hich probably we should read rrjs krepas oX-qs) 
tous clit&vtwv (xpxovras twv Upswv. There is, as is well known, an 
almost constant absence in the designation of the provincial priests 
of express reference to the worship of the emperors ; there was 
good reason for that absence, if they were expected to play in their 
spheres the part of the Pontif ex maximus in Rome. 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIIL 

the notice of the local or imperial authorities and to invoke 
the aid of the secular arm — above all, to bring the Chris- 
tians face to face with the demands of the imperial cultus. 
In the later period the regents adhering to the old faith 
even expressly enjoin these chief priests personally, and 
through the priests of the towns placed under them, to 
punish contraventions of the existing religious arrange- 
ments, and assign to them exactly the part which under 
the emperors of the new faith is taken by the metropolitan 
and his urban bishops.' Probably here it was not the 
heathen organisation that copied the Christian institutions; 
but, conversely, the conquering Christian church that took 
its hierarchic weapons from the arsenal of the enemy. All 
this applied, as we have already observed, to the whole 

1 Maximinus for this purpose placed military help at the disposal 
of the chief priest of the individual province (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. 
viii. 14, 9) ; and the famous letter of Julian {Ep. 49, comp. Ep. 63) 
to the Galatarch of the time gives a clear view of his obligations. 
He is to superintend the whole religious matters of the province ; to 
preserve his independence in contradistinction to the governor, not 
to dance attendance upon him, not to allow him to appear in the 
temple with military escort, to receive him not in front of, but in, 
the temple, within which he is lord and the governor a private man. 
Of the subsidies which the government has settled on the province 
{30,000 bushels of corn and 60,000 sextarii of wine), he is to expend 
the fifth part on the poor persons who become clients of the heathen 
priests, and to employ the rest otherwise on charitable objects; in 
every town of the province, if possible, with the aid of private per- 
sons, to call into existence hospitals (|euo5oxeTa), not merely for heath- 
ens, but for everybody, and no longer to allow the Christians the mo- 
noply of good works. He is to urge all the priests of the province 
by example and exhortation generally to maintain a religious walk, 
to avoid the frequenting of theatres and taverns, and in particular 
to frequent the temples diligently with their family and their 
attendants, or else, if they should not amend their ways, to depose 
them. It is a pastoral letter in the best form, only with the address 
altered, and with quotations from Homer instead of the Bible. 
Clearly as these arrangements bear on their face the stamp of 
heathenism already collapsing, and certainly as in this extent they 
are foreign to the earlier epoch, the foundation at any rate — the 
general superintendence of the chief priest of the province over 
matters of worship — by no means appears as a new institution. 

Chap. VIII. ] 

Asia Minor. 


empire ; but the very practical consequences of the pro- 
vincial regulation of the imperial cultus — the exercise of 
religious superintendence and the persecution of persons 
of another faith — were drawn pre-eminently in Asia 

Alongside of the cultus of the emperors the worship of 
the gods proper found its favoured abode in 
system of rehg- ^ g ^ a g/ft norj an( j a n {fa extravagances in par- 
ticular there found a refuge. The mischief of 
asylums and of miraculous cures had here its seat in a 
quite special sense. Under Tiberius the limitation of the 
former was enjoined by the Roman senate ; the god of 
healing, Asklepios, nowhere performed more and greater 
wonders than in his much-loved city of Pergamus, which 
worshipped him as Zeus Asklepios, and owed to him a 
good part of its prosperity in the imperial period. The 
most active wonder-workers of the time of the empire — the 
subsequently canonised Cappadocian Apollonius of Tyana 
and the Paphlagonian serpent-man Alexander of Abonu- 
teichos — belonged to Asia Minor. If the general pro- 
hibition of associations was carried out, as we shall see, 
with special strictness in Asia Minor, the reason must 
doubtless be sought mainly in the religious conditions 
which gave special occasion to' the abuse of such unions 

The public safety was left to depend in the main on the 
land itself. In the earlier imperial period, 
ubhc safety. a p ar £ f rom the Syrian command which in- 
cluded eastern Cilicia, there was stationed in all Asia 
Minor simply a detachment of 5,000 auxiliary troops, which 
served as a garrison in the province of Galatia, 1 along with 

1 This troop, according to its position in Josephus, Bell. Jud. ii. 
16, 4, between the provinces of Asia and Cappadocia not provided 
with garrisons, can only be referred to Galatia. Of course it fur- 
nished also the detachments, which were stationed in the dependent 
territories on the Caucasus, at that time — under Nero — apparently 
also those stationed on the Bosporus itself, in which, it is true, also 
the Moesian corps took part (p. 345). 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

a fleet of 40 ships ; this command was destined partly to 
keep in check the restless Pisidians, partly to cover the 
north-eastern frontier of the empire, and to watch over the 
coast of the Black Sea as far as the Crimea. Vespasian 
raised this troop to the status of an army corps of two 
legions and placed its staff in the province of Cappadocia 
on the upper Euphrates. Besides these forces destined to 
guard the frontier there were not then any garrisons of note 
in anterior Asia ; in the imperial province of Lycia and 
Pamphylia, e.g. there lay a single cohort of 500 men, in 
the senatorial provinces, at the most, individual soldiers 
told off from the imperial guard or from the neighbouring 
imperial provinces for special purposes. 1 If this testifies, 
on the one hand, most emphatically to the internal peace 
of these provinces, and clearly brings before our eyes the 
enormous contrast of the citizens of Asia Minor with the 
constantly unsettled capitals of Syria and Egypt, it ex- 
plains, on the other hand, the subsistence, already noticed 
in another connection, of brigandage in a country moun- 
tainous throughout and in the interior partly desolate, 
particularly on the Myso-Bithynian frontier and in the 
mountain valleys of Pisidia and Isauria. There was no 
civic militia proper in Asia Minor. In spite of the flourish- 
ing of gymnastic institutes for boys, youths, and men, the 
Hellenes of this period in Asia remained as unwarlike as 
in Europe. 2 They restricted themselves to creating for 
the maintenance of public safety civic peace- 

Eirenarcns. f * A 

masters (Eirenarchs), and placing at their dis- 
posal a number of civic gens d'armes, partly mounted mer- 
cenaries of small repute, but which must yet have been 
useful, since the emperor Marcus did not disdain, in the 
sorely felt want of tried soldiers during the Marcomanian 

1 Praetorian stationarius Ephesi, Eph. epigr. iv. n. 70. A soldier 
in statione Nicomedensi, Plin. ad Trai. 74. A legionary centurion 
in Byzantium, ib. 77, 78. 

2 In the municipal matters of Asia Minor everything occurs except 
what relates to arms. The Smyrnaean a-rparriybs iirl t&v ottKwv is of 
course a reminiscence equally with the cultus of Herakles 6irXo4>v\a^ 
(C. I. Or. 3162). 

Chap. VIII.] 

Asia Minor. 


war, to incorporate these town-soldiers of Asia Minor 
among the imperial troops. 1 

The administration of justice on the part as well of the 
civic authorities as of the governors left at 
of d ^Se toation this epoch much to be desired ; yet the emer- 
gence of the imperial rule marks a turn in it 
for the better. The interference of the supreme power 
had under the republic confined itself to the penal control 
of the public officials, and exercised this, especially in 
later times, feebly and factiously, or rather not at all. 
Now not merely were the reins drawn tighter in Rome, in- 
asmuch as the strict superintendence of its own officers 
was inseparable from the unity of military government, 
and even the imperial senate was induced to watch more 
sharply over the administration of its mandatories ; but it 
became now possible to set aside the miscarriages of the 
provincial courts by way of the newly introduced appeal, 
or else, where an impartial trial could not be expected in 
the province, to carry the process to Rome before the bar 
of the emperor. 2 Both of these steps applied also to the 

1 The Eirenarch of Smyrna sends out these gens d'armes to arrest 
Polycarp: i£i}\6ai> Sicoyfxirai Kal tirireis fxera ruu <rvui)6a>v avrots ttirXoov, 
us eVt Xyarqv rpexoures (Acta mart, ed. Ruinart, p. 39). That they 
had not the armour of soldiers proper, is also elsewhere remarked 
(Ammian. xxvii. 9, 6 : adhibitis semiermibus quibusdam — against 
the Isaurians— quos diogmitas apellant). Their employment in the 
Marcomanian war is reported by the biographer of Marcus, c. 26 : 
armavit et diogmitas, and by the inscription of Aezani in Phrygia, 
C. 1. Gr. 3031 a 8=Lebas-Waddington, 992: ixapaox^v r$ Kvpicp 
Kaurapi av/xijiaxov Siayixdrriu Trap eavrov. 

2 In Cnidus (Bull de corr. Hell. vii. 62), in the year 741-742 u. c, 
13 12 some apparently respectable burgesses had during 

three nights assailed the house of one with whom 
they had a personal feud ; in repelling the attack one of the slaves 
of the besieged house had killed one of the assailants by a vessel 
thrown from the window. The occupants of the besieged house 
were thereupon accused of manslaughter, but, as they had public 
opinion against them, they dreaded the civic tribunal and desired 
the matter to be decided by the verdict of the emperor Augustus. 
The latter had the case investigated by a commissioner, and ac- 
quitted the accused, of which he informed the authorities in 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

senatorial provinces, and were to all appearance, pre- 
dominantly felt as a benefit. 

As in the case of the Hellenes of Europe, so in Asia 
Minor the Roman province was essentially an 

The constitu- . „ , ... _. 

tion of towns in aggregate 01 urban communities. Here, asm 
Asia Mmor. Hellas, the traditional received forms of dem- 
ocratic polity were in general retained, e.g. the magistrates 
continued to be chosen by the burgesses, but everywhere 
the determining influence was placed in the hands of the 
wealthy, and no free play was allowed to the pleasure of 
the multitude any more than to serious political ambition. 
Among the limitations of municipal autonomy it was pe- 
culiar to the towns of Asia Minor, that the already men- 
tioned Eirenarch, the police-master of the city, was subse- 
quently nominated by the governor from a list of ten 
names proposed by the council of the city. The govern- 
ment-trusteeship of civic finance-administration — the im- 
perial appointment of one not belonging to the city 
Lo g ista> itself as a guardian of property (curator rei 
publicae, Aoyio-r^s), whose consent the civic au- 
thorities had to procure in the more important dealings 
with property — was never general, but was ordained for 
this or that city according to need ; in Asia Minor, how- 
ever, in keeping with the importance of its urban devel- 
opment, it was introduced specially early, i.e. from the 
beginning of the second century, and on a specially com- 
prehensive scale. At least in the third century here, as 
elsewhere, other important decrees of the communal ad- 
ministration had to be laid before the governor to be con- 
firmed. The Roman government did not insist anywhere, 

Cnidus, with the remark that they would not have handled the 
matter impartially, and directed them to act in accordance with 
his verdict. This was certainly, as Cnidus was a free town, an en- 
croachment on its sovereign rights, as also in Athens appeal to the 
emperor and even to the proconsul was in Hadrian's time allowable 
(p. 284, note 2). But any one who considers the state of things as 
to justice in a Greek town of this epoch and of this position, will 
not doubt that, while such encroachment gave doubtless occasion to 
various unjust decisions, it much more frequently prevented them. 

Chap. VIII.] 

Asia Minor. 


and least of all in the Hellenic lands, on uniformity of 
municipal constitution ; in Asia Minor there prevailed 
great variety, according, it may be conjectured, in many 
cases with the pleasure of the individual burgess-bodies, 
although for the communities belonging to the same 
province the law organising each province prescribed 
general rules. Whatever institutions of this sort may be 
looked upon as diffused in Asia Minor, and predominantly 
peculiar to the land, bear no political character, but are 
merely significant as regards social relations, such as the 
unions spread over all Asia Minor, partly of the older, 
partly of the younger citizens, the Gerusia 
Gerusia, Neoi. ^ e Neoi, clubs for the two classes of age 

with corresponding places of gymnastic exercise and fes- 
tivals. 1 Of autonomous communities there were from the 
outset far fewer in Asia Minor than in Hellas proper ; and, 
in particular, the most important towns of Asia Minor 
1 The Gerusia often mentioned in inscriptions of Asia Minor has 
nothing but the name in common with the political institution hit 
upon by Lysimachus in Ephesus (Strabo, xiv. 1, 21, p. 640 ; Wood, 
Ephesus, inscr. from the temple of Diana, n. 19) ; its character in 
Roman times is indicated partly by Vitruvius, ii. 8, 10 ; Groesi 
(domum) Sardiani civibus ad requiescendum aetatis otio seniorum 
collegio gerusiam dedicaterunt, partly by the inscription recently 
found in the Lycian town Sidyma (Benndorf, Lyk. Heise, i. 71), 
according to which council and people resolve, as the law requires, 
to institute a Gerusia, and to elect to it 50 Buleutae and 50 other 
citizens, who then appoint a gymnasiarch for the new Gerusia. 
This gymnasiarch, who meets us elsewhere, as well as the Hymnode 
of the Gerusia (Menadier, qua condic. Mphesii usi sint, p. 51), are, 
among the office-bearers of this body known to us, the only one 
characteristic of its nature. Analogous, bnt of less estimation, are 
the collegia of the veoi, which also have their own gymnasiarchs. 
To the two overseers of the places of gymnastic exercise for the 
grown-up citizens the gymnasiarchs of the Ephebi form the con- 
trast (Menadier, p. 91). Common repasts and festivals (to which 
the Hymnodes has reference) were of course not wanting, partic- 
ularly in the case of the Gerusia. It was not a provision for the 
poor, nor yet a collegium reserved for the municipal aristocracy ; 
but characteristic for the mode of civil intercourse among the 
Greeks, with whom the gymnasium was nearly what the citizens' 
assembly-rooms are in our small towns. , 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

never had this doubtful distinction, or at any rate early- 
lost it, such as Cyzicus under Tiberius (p. 377), Samos 
through Vespasian. Asia Minor was just old subject-ter- 
ritory and, under its Persian as under its Hellenic rulers, 
accustomed to monarchic organisation ; here less than in 
Hellas did useless recollections and vague hopes carry 
men away beyond the limited municipal horizon of the 
present, and there was not much of this sort to disturb 
the peaceful enjoyment of such happiness in life as was 
possible under the existing circumstances. 

Of this happiness of life there was abundance in Asia 

Minor under the Koman imperial government. 

"No province of them all," says an author 
living in Smyrna under the Antonines, " has so many towns 
to show as ours, and none such towns as our largest. It 
has the advantage of a charming country, a favourable 
climate, varied products, a position in the centre of the 
empire, a girdle of peaceful people all round, good order, 
rarity of crime, gentle treatment of slaves, consideration 
and goodwill from the rulers." Asia was called, as we 
have already said, the province of the five hundred towns ; 
and, if the arid interior, in part fitted only for pasture, of 
Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia, and Cappadocia was even at 
that time but thinly peopled, the rest of the coast was not 
far behind Asia. The enduring prosperity of the regions 
capable of cultivation in Asia Minor did not extend merely 
to the cities of illustrious name, such as Ephesus, Smyrna, 
Laodicea, Apamea ; wherever a corner of the country, 
neglected under the desolation of the fifteen hundred 
years which separate us from that time, is opened up to 
investigation, there the first and the most powerful feeling- 
is that of astonishment, one might almost say of shame, at 
the contrast of the wretched and pitiful present with the 
happiness and splendour of the past Eoman age. 

On a secluded mountain-top not far from the Lycian 

coast, where according to the Greek fable 

dwelt the Chimaera, lay the ancient Cragus, 
probably built only of beams and clay tiles, and having 

Chap. VIII.] Asia Minor. 385 

for that reason no trace of it left excepting the Cyclopian 
fortress-walls at the foot of the hill. Below the summit 
spreads a pleasant fertile valley with fresh Alpine air and 
southern vegetation, surrounded by mouDtains rich in 
woods and game. "When under the emperor Claudius 
Lycia became a province, the Roman government trans- 
ferred the mountain-town — the " green Cragus" of Horace 
— to this plain ; in the market-place of the new town, 
Sidy ma, the remains still stand of the tetrastyle temple 
then dedicated to the emperor, and of a stately colonnade, 
which a native of the place who had acquired means as a 
physician built in his early home. Statues of the emper- 
ors and of deserving fellow-citizens adorned the market ; 
there were in the town a temple to its protecting gods, Ar- 
temis and Apollo, baths, gymnastic institutions (yv^vacna) 
for the older as for the younger citizens ; from the gates 
along the main road, which led steeply down the moun- 
tain side to the harbour Calabatia, there stretched on both 
sides rows of stone sepulchral monuments, more stately 
and more costly than those of Pompeii, and for the most 
part still erect, while the houses presumably built, like 
those of the ancient city, from perishable materials, have 
disappeared. We may draw an inference as to the posi- 
tion and habits of the former inhabitants from a mu- 
nicipal decree recently found there, probably drawn up 
under Commodus, as to constituting the club for the elder 
citizens ; it was composed of a hundred members, taken 
one half from the town-council and the other from the 
rest of the citizens, including not more than three freed- 
men and one person of illegitimate birth, all the rest be- 
gotten in lawful wedlock and belonging in part to de- 
monstrably old and wealthy burgess-houses. Some of 
these families attained to Roman citizenship, one even to 
the senate of the empire. But even abroad this senatorial 
house, as well as different physicians of Sidyma employed 
in other lands and even at the imperial court, remained 
mindful of their homes, and several of them closed their 
lives there ; one of these distinguished denizens has put 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

together the legends of the town and the prophecies con- 
cerning it in a compilation not exactly excellent, but very 
learned and very patriotic, and caused these memorabilia to 
be publicly exhibited. This Cragus-Sidyma did not vote 
among towns of the first class at the diet of the small Lycian 
province, was without a theatre, without honorary titles, 
and without those general festivals which in the world, as 
it then was, marked a great town ; was even, according to 
the conception of the ancients, a small provincial town 
and thoroughly a creation of the Eoman imperial period. 
But in the whole Vilajet Ai'din there is at the present 
day no inland place which can be even remotely placed 
by the side of this little mountain-town, such as it was, as 
regards civilised existence. "What still stands vividly to- 
day before our eyes in this secluded village has disap- 
peared, with the exception of slight remains, or even with- 
out a trace, in an untold number of other towns under 
the devastating hand of man. The coinage of the imperial 
period, freely given to the towns in copper, allows us a 
certain glance at this abundance ; no province can even 
remotely vie with Asia in the number of mints and the 
variety of the representations. 

No doubt this merging of all interests in the petty town 
of one's birth was not without its reverse side 
nicipaiYdiSis- in Asia Minor, any more than among the Eu- 
ropean Greeks. What was said of their com- 
munal administration holds good in the main also here. 
The urban finance-system, which knows itself to be with- 
out right control, lacks steadiness and frugality and often 
even honesty ; as to building — sometimes the resources of 
the town are exceeded, sometimes even what is most need- 
ful is left undone ; the humbler citizens become accustomed 
to the largesses of the town-chest, or of men of wealth, to 
free oil in the baths, to public banquets and popular rec- 
reations out of others' pockets ; the good houses become 
used to the clientage of the multitude, with its abject 
demonstrations of homage, its begging intrigues, its divis- 
ions ; rivalries exist, as between town and town (p. 356), 

Chap. VIII.] 

Asia Minor. 


so in every town between the several circles and the 
several houses ; the government in Asia Minor dares not 
to introduce the formation of poor-clubs and of voluntary 
fireworks, such as everywhere existed in the west, because 
the spirit of faction here at once takes possession of every 
association. The calm sea easily becomes a swamp, and 
the lack of the great pulsation of general interest is clearly 
discernible also in Asia Minor. 

Asia Minor, especially in its anterior portion, was one 
of the richest domains of the great Koman 
state. Doubtless the misgovernment of the 
republic, the disasters of the Mithradatic time thereby 
produced, thereafter the evil of piracy, and lastly the many 
years of civil war which had financially affected few prov- 
inces so severely as these, had doubtless so utterly disor- 
ganised the means of the communities and of individuals 
there, that Augustus resorted to the extreme expedient of 
striking off all claims of debt ; all the Asiatics, with the 
exception of the Rhodians, made use of this dangerous 
remedy. But the peaceful government which again set in 
made up for much. Not everywhere — the islands of the 
Aegean Sea for example, never thereafter revived — but in 
most places, already when Augustus died, the wounds as 
well as the remedies were forgotten ; and in this state the 
land remained for three centuries down to the epoch of 
the Gothic wars. The sums at which the towns of Asia 
Minor were assessed, and which they themselves, certainly 
under control of the governor, had to allocate and raise, 
formed one of the most considerable sources of income 
for the imperial exchequer. How the burden of taxation 
stood related to the ability of the taxed to pay, we are un- 
able to ascertain ; but permanent overburdening in the 
strict sense is not compatible with the circumstances in 
which we find the land down to the middle of the third 
century. The remissness of the government, still more 
perhaps than its intentional forbearance, may have kept 
within bounds the fiscal restriction of traffic and the ap- 
plication of a tax-screw which was inconvenient not merely 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

for the taxed. In great calamities, particularly on occa- 
sion of tbe earthquakes which under Tiberius fearfully 
devastated twelve flourishing cities of Asia, especially Sar- 
dis, and under Pius a number of Carian and Lycian towns 
and the islands of Cos and Khodes, private and above all 
imperial help was rendered with great liberality, and be- 
stowed upon the natives of Asia Minor the full blessing of 
a great state — the collective guarantee of all for all. The 
construction of roads, which the Komans had taken in 
hand on the first erection of the province of Asia by 
Manius Aquillius (iii. 75), was seriously prosecuted during 
the imperial period in Asia Minor only where larger gar- 
risons were stationed, particularly in Cappadocia and the 
neighbouring Galatia, after Vespasian had instituted a 
legionary camp on the middle Euphrates. 1 In the other 
provinces not much was done for it, partly, doubtless, in 
consequence of the laxity of the senatorial government ; 
wherever roads were here constructed on the part of the 
state, it was done on imperial ordinance. 2 

This prosperity of Asia Minor was not the work of a 
government of superior insight and energetic activity. 
The political institutions, the incitements of trade and 
commerce, the initiative in literature and art belong 
throughout Asia Minor to the old free towns or to the At- 
talids. What the Roman government gave to the land, was 
essentially the permanence of a state of peace, the tolera- 
tion of inward prosperity, the absence of that governing 

1 The milestones begin here with Vespasian ( G. I. L. iii. 306), and 
are thenceforth numerous, particularly from Domitian down to 

* This is most clearly shown by the road-constructions executed in 
the senatorial province of Bithynia under Nero and Vespasian by 
the imperial procurator (G. I. L. iii. 346 ; Eph. v. n. 96). But even 
in the case of the roads constructed in the senatorial provinces of 
Asia and Cyprus the senate is never named, and the same may be 
assumed for them. In the third century here, as everywhere, the 
construction even of the imperial highways was transferred to the 
communes (Smyrna : G. 1. L. iii. 471 ; Thyatira, Bull, de Govts 
Hell, i. 101 ; Paphos, G I. L. iii. 218). 

Chap. VIII.] 

Asia Minor. 


wisdom which regards every sound pair of arms and every 
saved piece of money as rightfully subservient to its im- 
mediate aims — negative virtues of personages far from 
prominent, but often more conducive to the common weal 
than the great deeds of the self-constituted guardians of 

The prosperity of Asia Minor was in beautiful equipoise, 
dependent as much on agriculture as on in- 
Trade and com- dustry and commerce. The favours of nature 
were bestowed in richest measure, especially on 
the regions of the coasts ; and there are many evidences 
with how laborious diligence, even under more difficult 
circumstances, every at all useable piece of ground was 
turned to account, e.g. in the rocky valley of the Eury- 
medon in Pamphylia by the citizens of Selga. The pro- 
ducts of the industry of Asia Minor are too numerous and 
too manifold to be dwelt upon in detail ; 1 we may mention 
that the immense pastures of the interior, with their flocks 
of sheep and goats, made Asia Minor the headquarters of 
woollen manufactures and of weaving generally — it suf- 
fices to recall the Milesian and the Galatian, that is, the An- 
gora, wool, the Attalic gold-embroideries, the cloths pre- 

1 The Christians of the little town of Corycus in the Rough Cili- 
cia were wont, contrary to the general custom, to append regularly 
in their tomb inscriptions the station in life. On the epitaphs re- 
covered there by Langlois and recently by Duchesne {Bull, de corr. 
Hell. vii. 230 ff.), there are found a writer (vordpios), a wine dealer 
(olvefiiropos), two oil-dealers (iAeoirdoAvs), a green-grocer (Aaxavoira>Ar)s), 
a fruit dealer (oTrcopoirwArjs), two retail dealers (icd-miXos), five gold- 
smiths (aopdpios thrice, XP V(T ^X 00S twice), one of whom is also pres- 
byter, four coppersmiths (xa^Korviros once, x a ^ K ^^ s thrice), two in- 
strument makers (apfxevopdcpos), five potters (/cepa^eus), of which one 
is designated as work-giver (ipyoSSrris), another is at the same time 
presbyter, a clothes-dealer (l/iaTvoirdoKris), two linen dealers (XiuoirdoXrjs), 
three weavers (oOovlcikSs), a worker in wool (ipeovpy6s), two shoe, 
makers (naKiydpios, nahrdpios), a skinner (lt/iopd<pos 7 doubtless for 
7]VLopd(pos, pellio), a mariner (vavKA-qpos), a mid-wife (larpivfi); further 
a joint tomb of the highly reputable money-changers (<nWT6,ua rcSv 
cvyevea-rdroDV rpaire^iTwv). Such was the look of things there in the 
fifth and sixth centuries. 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

pared in the workshops of Phrygian Laodicea after the 
Nervian, that is the Flemish, style. It is well-known that 
an insurrection had almost broken out in Ephesus because 
the goldsmiths dreaded injury to their sale of sacred im- 
ages from the new Christian faith. In Philadelphia, a 
considerable town of Lydia, we know the names of two out 
of the seven districts : they are those of the wool-weavers 
and the shoemakers. Probably there is here brought to 
light what in the case of the other towns is hidden under 
older and more genteel names, that the more considerable 
towns of Asia included throughout not merely a multitude 
of artisans, but also a numerous manufacturing population. 

The money-dealing and traffic were in Asia Minor de- 
pendent chiefly on its own products. The great foreign 
imports and exports of Syria and Egypt were here in the 
main excluded, though from the eastern lands various 
articles were introduced into Asia Minor, e.g. a consider- 
able number of slaves through the Galatian traders. 1 But, 
if the Koman merchants were to be found here apparently 
in every large and small town, even at places like Ilium 
and Assus in Mysia, Prymnessus and Traianopolis in 
Phrygia, in such numbers that their associations were in 
the habit of taking part along with the town's burgesses 
in public acts ; if in Hierapolis, in the interior of Phrygia, 
a manufacturer (Zpyao-Trjs) caused it to be inscribed on his 
tomb that he had in his lifetime sailed seventy-two times 
round Cape Malea to Italy, and a Roman poet describes 
the merchant of the capital who hastens to the port, in 
order not to let his business-friend from Cibyra, not far 
distant from Hierapolis, fall into the hands of rivals, there 
is thus opened up a glimpse into a stirring manufacturing 
and mercantile life not merely at the seaports. Language 
also testifies to the constant intercourse with Italy ; among 

1 This traffic attested for the fourth century (Ammianus, xxii. 7, 
8; Claudianus in Eutrop i. 59) is beyond doubt older. Of another 
nature is the fact, that, as Philostratus states ( Vita Apoll. viii. 7, 
12), the non-Greek inhabitants of Phrygia sold their children to the 
slave -dealers. 

Chap. VIIL] 

Asia Minor. 


the Latin words that became current in Asia Minor not a 
few proceed from such intercourse, as indeed in Ephesus 
even the guild of the wool-weavers gives itself a Latin 
name. 1 Teachers of all sorts and physicians came espe- 
cially from this quarter to Italy and the other lands of the 
Latin tongue, and not merely gained often considerable 
wealth, but also brought it back to their native place ; 
among those to whom the towns of Asia Minor owe build- 
ings or endowments, the physicians who had become rich, 2 
and literati, occupy a prominent position. Lastly, the 
emigration of the great families to Italy affected Asia 
Minor less and later than the West ; it was easier for peo- 

1 'S.vvepyaaia ru>v Xavap'uav (Wood, Ephesus, city, n. 4). On the in- 
scriptions of Corycus (p. 389) Latin names of artisans are frequent. 
The stair is called ypdSos in the Phrygian inscriptions, G. I. Or. 
3900, 3902 i. 

2 One of these is Xenophon son of Heraclitus of Cos, well known 
from Tacitus {Ann. xii. 61, 67) and Pliny, H. N. xxix. 1, 7, and 
from a series of monuments of his native place {Bull, de corr. Hell. 
v. 468). As physician -in- ordinary {apxiarpds, which title first occurs 
here) to the emperor he acquired such influence that he combined 
with his medical activity the position of imperial cabinet-secretary 
for Greek correspondence {iirl rwv'EW-qviKwvairoKpiixdreav; comp. Sui- 
das, s. v. Aiovvo-tos 'A\el*av8pevs), and he procured not merely for his 
brother and uncle the Roman franchise and posts as officers of 
equestrian rank, and for himself, besides the horse of a knight and 
the rank of officer, the decoration of the golden chaplet and the 
spear on occasion of the triumph over Britain, but also for his native 
place freedom from taxation. His tomb stands on the island, and 
his grateful countrymen set up statues to him and to his, and struck 
in memory of him coins with his effigy. He it is who is alleged to 
have put an end to Claudius, when dead-sick, by further poisoning, 
and accordingly, as equally valuable to him and to his successor, he 
is termed on his monuments not merely, as usual, "friend of the 
emperor " {(piXocrefiao-Tos), but specially friend of Claudius {cpiho- 
K\av8ios) and of Nero {(pikovtpwv ; so according to certain restoration). 
His brother, whom he followed in this position, drew a salary of 
500,000 sesterces (£5000), but assured the emperor that he had only 
taken the position to please him, as his town-practice brought in to 
him 100,000 sesterces more. In spite of the enormous sums which 
the brothers had expended on Naples in particular, as well as on 
Cos, they left behind an estate of 30,000,000 sesterces (£325,000). 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

pie from Vienna and Narbo to transplant themselves to 
the capital of the empire than from the Greek towns ; nor 
was the government in the earlier period quite inclined 
to bring the municipals of mark from Asia Minor to the 
court, and to introduce them into the Roman aristocracy. 
If we leave out of view the marvellous period of early 
bloom, in which the Ionic epos and the Aeolic 
Literary activity. ^^.^ p^^. k e gi nn i n g S f historical com- 
position and of philosophy, of plastic art and of painting, 
had their rise on these shores, in science as in the practice 
of art the great age of Asia Minor was that of the Attalids, 
which faithfully cherished the memory of that still greater 
epoch. If Smyrna showed divine honors to its citizen 
Homer, struck coins for him and named them after him, 
there was thus expressed the feeling, which dominated all 
Ionia and all Asia Minor, that divine art had come down 
to earth in Hellas generally, and in Ionia in particular. 
How early and to what extent elementary instruction 
was an object of public care in these regions 
is clearly shown by a decree of the town Teos 
in Lydia 1 concerning it. According to this, after the gift 
of capital by a rich citizen had provided the town with 
means, there was to be instituted in future, alongside of 
the inspector of gymnastics (yv}xvacriapx^), also the hon- 
orary office of a school-inspector (TrauWo/xos). Further, 
there were to be appointed three paid teachers of writing 
with salaries, according to the three classes respectively, 
of 600, 550, and 500 drachmae, in order that all the free 
boys and girls might be instructed in writing ; likewise 
two gymnastic masters, each with a salary of 500 drachmae; 
a teacher of music with a salary of 700 drachmae, who 
should instruct the boys of the last two years at school 
and the youths that had left school in playing the lute and 
the cithara ; a boxing master with 300 drachmae, and a 
teacher for archery and throwing of the spear with a pay 
of 250 drachmae. The teachers of writing and music are 

J The document is given by Dittenberger, n. 349. Attalus II. 
made a similar endowment in Delphi {Bull, de corr. Hell. v. 157). 

Chap. VIII. ] 

Asia Minor. 


to hold a public examination of the scholars annually in 
the town-hall. Such was the Asia Minor of the time of 
the Attalids ; but the Koman republic did not continue 
their work. It did not cause its victories over the Gala- 
tians to be immortalised by the chisel, and the Pergamene 
library went shortly before the battle of Actium to Alex- 
andria ; many of the best germs perished in the devasta- 
tion of the Mithradatic and the civil wars. It was only in 
the time of the empire that the care of art, and above all 
of literature, revived at least outwardly with the prosperity 
of Asia Minor. To a primacy proper, such as was pos- 
sessed by Athens as a university-town, by Alexandria in 
the sphere of scientific research, and by the frivolous 
capital of Syria for the drama and the ballet, none of the 
numerous cities of Asia Minor could lay claim in any 
direction whatever ; but general culture was probably 
nowhere more widely diffused and more influential. It 
must have been very early the custom in Asia to grant to 
teachers and physicians exemption from the civic offices 
and functions that involved expense ; to this province was 
directed the edict of the emperor Pius (p. 356), which, in 
order to set limits to an exemption that was evidently 
very burdensome for the city finances, prescribes maximal 
numbers for it : e.g. allows towns of the first class to grant 
this immunity to the extent of ten physicians, five in- 
structors in rhetoric, and five in grammar. 

The position of Asia Minor as occupying the first rank 

in the literary world of the imperial period 
fopSr° fthe was based on the system of the rhetors, or, 

according to the expression later in use, the 
sophists of this epoch — a system which we moderns can- 
not easily realise. The place of authorship, which pretty 
nearly ceased to have any significance, was taken by the 
public discourse, somewhat of the nature of our modern 
university and academic addresses, externally producing 
itself anew and preserved only by way of exception, once 
heard and talked of, and then for ever forgotten. The 
contents were furnished frequently by the occasion of 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

the birthday of the emperor, the arrival of the governor, 
or any analogous event, public or private ; still more fre- 
quently without any occasion they talked at large on every- 
thing, which was not practical and not instructive. The 
political address had no existence for this age at all, not 
even in the Koman senate. The forensic speech was no 
longer for the Greeks the goal of oratory, but stood along- 
side of the speech for speaking's sake as a neglected and 
plebeian sister, to which a master of that art might occa- 
sionally condescend. From poetry, philosophy, history, 
there was borrowed whatever admitted of being dealt with 
by way of common-place, while these all themselves, little 
cultivated in general, least of all in Asia Minor, and still 
less esteemed, languish by the side of the pure art of 
words and beneath its infection. The great past of the 
nation is regarded by these orators, so to speak, as their 
special property ; they reverence and treat Homer in some 
measure as the Eabbins do the books of Moses, and even 
in religion they study the most zealous orthodoxy. These 
discourses are sustained by all the allowed and unallowed 
resources of the theatre, by the art of gesticulation and 
of modulation of the voice, by the magnificence of the 
orator's costume, by the artifices of the virtuoso and the 
methods of partisanship, by competition, by the claque. 
To the boundless self-conceit of these word-artists corre- 
sponds the lively sympathetic interest of the public — 
which is but little inferior to that felt for race-horses — 
and the expression given to this sympathy quite after the 
fashion of the theatre ; and the constancy with which such 
exhibitions were brought before the cultured in the larger 
places entitles them, just like the theatre, to rank every- 
where among the customary doings of urban life. If 
perhaps our understanding of this extinct phenomenon 
may be somewhat helped by connecting it with the im- 
pression called forth in our most susceptible great cities 
by the discourses of their learned bodies, as they fall due, 
there is yet wholly wanting in the modern state of things 
what was by far the main matter in the ancient world — 

Chap. VIII. J 

Asia Minor. 


the didactic element, and the connection of the aimless 
public discourse with the higher instruction of youth. If 
the latter at present, as we say, educates the boy of the 
cultured class to be a professor of philology, it educated 
him then to be a professor of eloquence, and, in fact, of this 
sort of eloquence. For the school-training conduced more 
and more to equip the boy for holding just such dis- 
courses, as we have now described, on his own part, if 
possible, in two languages ; and, whoever had finished the 
course with profit, applauded in similar performances the 
recollection of his own time at school. 

This production embraced East and West, but Asia 
Minor stood in the van and led the fashion. 
fhe a fSon. leads When in the age of Augustus the school- 
rhetoric gained a footing in the Latin instruc- 
tion of the youth of the capital, its chief pillars alongside 
of Italians and Spaniards were two natives of Asia Minor, 
Arellius Fuscus and Cestius Pius. At that same place, 
where the grave forensic address maintained its ground 
in the better imperial period by the side of this parasite, 
an ingenious advocate of the Flavian age points to the 
enormous gulf which separates Nicetes of Smyrna and the 
other rhetoricians applauded in Ephesus and Mytilene 
from Aeschines and Demosthenes. By far the most, and 
most noted, of the famous rhetors of this sort are from 
the coast of western Asia. We have already observed 
how much the supply of schoolmasters for the whole em- 
pire told upon the finances of the towns of Asia Minor. 
In the course of the imperial period the number and the 
estimation of these sophists were constantly on the in- 
crease, and they gained ground more and more in the 
west. The cause of this lies partly doubtless in the 
changed attitude of the government, which in the second 
century — especially after the Hadrianic epoch exhibiting 
not so much a Hellenising as a bad cosmopolitan type — 
stood less averse to Greek and Oriental habits than in the 
first ; but chiefly in the ever increasing general diffusion 
of higher culture, and the rapidly enlarging number of 


Asia Minor. 

[Book VIII. 

institutes for the higher instruction of youth. The sophis- 
tic system thus belongs, at all events especially, to Asia 
Minor, and particularly to the Asia Minor of the second 
and third centuries ; only there may not be found in this 
literary primacy any special peculiarity of these Greeks 
and of this epoch, or even a national characteristic. The 
sophistic system appears everywhere alike, in Smyrna and 
Athens as in Eome and Carthage ; the masters of elo- 
quence were sent out like patterns of lamps, and the 
manufacture was organised everywhere in the same way, 
Greek or Latin, according to desire, the supply being 
raised in accordance with the need. But no doubt those 
Greek districts, which took precedence in prosperity and 
culture, furnished this article of export of the best quality 
and in greatest quantity ; this holds true of Asia Minor 
for the times of Sulla and Cicero no less than for those of 
Hadrian and the Antonines. 

Here, however, all is not shadow. Those same regions 
possess, not indeed among the professional sophists, but 
yet among the literati of a different type, who are still 
found there in comparatively large numbers, the best 
representatives of Hellenism which this epoch has at all 
to show, the teacher of Philosophy, Dio of 
Prusa in Bithynia, under Vespasian and Trajan, 
and the medical man Galenus of Pergamus, imperial phy- 
sician in ordinary at the courts of Marcus and Severus. 
What is particularly pleasing in the case of Galen is the 
polished manner of the man of the world and the courtier, 
in connection with a general and philosophical culture, 
such as is frequently conspicuous in the physicians of this 
period. 1 

1 A physician of Smyrna, Hermogenes, son of Charidemus ( 0. I. 
Or. 3311), wrote not merely 77 volumes of a medical tenor, but, 
in addition, as his epitaph tells, historical writings : on Smyrna, on 
the native country of Homer, on the wisdom of Homer, on the 
foundation of cities in Asia, in Europe, on the islands, itineraries of 
Asia and Europe, on stratagems, chronological tables on the history 
of Rome and of Smyrna. A physician of the imperial household, 
Menecrates (G. I. Or. 6607), whose descent is not specified, founded, 

Chap. VIII.] 

Asia Minor. 


In purity of sentiment and clear grasp of the position 
of things, the Bithynian Dio is nowise inferior 
10 o rusa. ^ ^ e scholar of Chaeronea ; in plastic power, 
in elegance and apt vigour of speech, in earnest meaning 
underlying lightness of form, in practical energy, he is 
superior to him. The best of his writings — the fancies 
of the ideal Hellene before the invention of the city and of 
money ; the appeal to the Khodians, the only surviving 
representatives of genuine Hellenism ; the description of 
the Hellenes of his time in the solitude of Olbia as in the 
luxury of Nicomedia and of Tarsus ; the exhortations to 
the individual as to an earnest conduct of life, and to all 
as to their keeping together in unity — form the best evi- 
dence that even of the Hellenism of Asia Minor in the 
time of the empire the word of the poet holds good : 
" The sun even in setting is ever the same." 

as his Roman admirers attest, the new logical and at the same time 
empiric medicine (Idias \oyiKrjs ivapyovs larpiKrjs /cti<tttjs) in his writ- 
ings, which ran to 156 volumes. 





The Maps which follow are those prepared by Professor 
Kiepert to accompany the original. The spelling of the 
names after the Greek fashion, which has been adopted 
generally (though not uniformly ; see Preface), and the 
occasional presence of German terminations or even of 
German words, will interpose little practical difficulty to 
their use by the reader of the English form of the book. 

Modern (and mediaeval) names are printed throughout the 
Maps in letters slanting backward, thus : — $ara^ozoo. 

Map I. — "The Roman empire and the neighbouring 
states, from the first to the third century," shows " the 
Roman imperial territory under Augustus, including the 
client-states (which are underlined, thus : Iberia)," col- 
oured in red; "the Roman provinces subsequently ac- 
quired," bordered with red ; and " the Parthian empire of 
the Arsacids " in blue. A side-map shows the " passes on 
the Irano-Indian frontier." 

Map II. — "Spain and North Africa," with an enlarged 
Map of Proconsular Africa and Numidia. 

Map m.— " Gaul." 

Map IV.— "Britain." 

Map V. — " Germany, with the Limes of the Rhine 


and of the Danube." The Roman highways are marked 


[" G a Ixxx Leugen von Mainz = about lxxx leugae from 

Map VI. — " Provinces on the Danube and Black Sea." 

Map VIL— "Greece." "The territory of Athens" is 
coloured red on a cross-lined ground ; that of " other free 
towns " coloured in lighter red, on an oblique-lined ground ; 
the "province of Achaia" in blue. The "members of the 
Delphic Amphictiony, from the time of the emperor Augus- 
tus," are underlined, thus : Nikopolis. 

Map VIIL — " Asia Minor." Old Oriental names in 
square brackets, thus : [Mabog], 

Map IX. — "Syria and Mesopotamia." Old Oriental 
names in square brackets. 

Map X.— "Egypt." 

[Direction to binder. — Maps I. -VIII. to be inserted at 
the end of Vol. I. ; and IX. , X. at the end of Vol. II.]